Hiram Ulysses Grant was born on April 27, 1822 in Point Pleasant, Ohio. His childhood was much like many 19th Century children. His father, Jesse Root Grant, owned a tannery business which was located adjacent to their home. In his autobiographical memoir, Grant recalled being disgusted by the stench of the tannery business.(i) He believed this was the cause of his lifelong abhorrence to the sight of blood. An accomplished horseman, he would ride as often as he could during his formative years. Later in life he would long for a time when he could settle with his wife, Julia Dent, on a farm and raise horses.

Young Grant would receive a general education and would be appointed to the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1839. A clerical error in his admission records would list his name as Ulysses Simpson Grant (Simpson being his mother’s maiden name). From that point forward, he would be U.S. Grant – Sam Grant to his friends. He graduated in 1843, 21st in a class of 39 cadets. Second Lieutenant Grant would be sent to St. Louis after his graduation. He was assigned to the 4th United States Infantry which was garrisoned at Jefferson Barracks. While in St. Louis he would meet his wife, Julia Dent, and a long courtship followed. He married Julia on August 22, 1848. Together, they would have four children.

His first experience in war would come during the Mexican War, during which he would receive two brevet promotions for gallantry. After the Mexican War he would be assigned to New York, the Oregon territory and California. When Grant went west, Julia stayed in St. Louis as he feared for her health during the crossing of the isthmus of Panama. Lonely to the extreme, Grant resigned his recently received captain’s commission on July 31, 1854.

Returning to Julia in St. Louis, Grant would build a home on his father-in-law’s property. There, he would try his hand at farming the rough ground west of town. The soil proved too tough for profitable row crops and he would be forced into selling firewood in St. Louis. Over the coming years he would work diligently to provide for his family, but would be forced to move to Galena, Illinois in 1860. While at Galena, Sam Grant would work at his father’s dry goods store and tannery, where he was forced to humble himself by working for his brother.

While not outwardly vocal about his political beliefs, Grant could not have failed to watch the 1860 presidential campaign as it unfolded before him. While he did not vote during the general election, he supported Democrat Stephen Douglas. With Lincoln’s election, he watched from the sidelines as the Secession Crisis erupted. After the bombardment and surrender of Fort Sumter, Grant quickly determined that he would offer his services to his country. Unfortunately, due to rumors of heavy drinking, he was unable to secure a commission in the Regular U.S. Army. Eventually he would travel to Springfield, Illinois where he would help organize the Illinois volunteer infantry regiments as the mustered into service. On June 14, 1861 he was appointed colonel of the 21st Illinois Volunteer Infantry by governor Richard Yates.

The 21st Illinois was known as a raucous unit. Grant quickly brought organization and morale to the unit and spent time drilling the volunteers. Grant would lead the regiment on assignments in Missouri. In July 1861, Grant would be surprised to learn that he had been nominated for brigadier general. It was quickly confirmed by the U.S. Senate and he would receive his commission in August. His first assignment was command of the District of Southeast Missouri, stationed at Cairo, Illinois.

Some men are best suited for business pursuits, others for farming and some for leading men in battle. Grant was best suited for battle. Having failed at farming, bill collection and sales, he would quickly find his calling leading soldiers. U.S. Grant’s first battle as commander, was the Battle of Belmont, November 6, 1861. Here he would lead a successful attack against the Confederates camped across the Mississippi River from their fort at Columbus, Kentucky. With the disorganized Rebels fleeing for safety, Grant’s troops quickly started plundering the enemy’s camp. Confederate reinforcements quickly came ashore, from Kentucky, and organized an attack against the Federals who broke in retreat to their steamer. Grant throughout the disorganized retreat was a calming influence on his men. He ensured that his troops were on the steamer and would be the last soldier to board, sliding his horse down the steep bank and onto the riverboat just as it was pulling away.(ii) While the results of the Battle of Belmont were inconclusive at best, Grant had proven himself under fire.

Over the coming 30 months of the Civil War, Grant would grasp victory from defeat on several occasions. He would be the only army commander in the United States to capture three Confederate armies (Fort Donelson, Vicksburg, Appomattox). As a commander, he would never again lead his men away from the battlefield in defeat – he would only push on – always determined to wear the enemy down and capture them. Capturing points, a tactical goal for most U.S. army commanders of the time, was never his goal. Grant wanted to force surrender and end the war. While he was often called a “butcher” for leading bloody assaults against fortified positions, the numbers do not bear this out. As a percentage of forces engaged, his armies suffered lower casualty rates than Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia.(iii)

Grant is most well known for leading his men to victory in the following battles:

• Fort Donelson (August 25-26, 1862)
• Shiloh (April 6-7, 1862)
• Champion Hill (May 16, 1863)
• Vicksburg (May 18 – July 4, 1863)
• Third Battle of Chattanooga (November 23-25, 1863)
• Overland Campaign – the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna, Cold Harbor (May 5 – June 12, 1864)
• Petersburg Campaign (June 9, 1864 – March 25, 1865)
• Appomattox Campaign (March 29 – April 9, 1865)

During his tenure commanding in the Civil War, Ulysses S. Grant was promoted from Colonel of U.S. Volunteers to Lieutenant General U.S. Regulars. He would be the first man to reach the rank of lieutenant general since George Washington.

• Colonel, 21st Illinois Volunteer Infantry (June 28, 1861)
• Brigadier General, Volunteers (August 7, 1861)
• Major General, Volunteers (February 16, 1862)
• Major General, U.S. Regular Army (July 4, 1863)
• Lieutenant General, U.S. Regular Army (March 2, 1864)
• Full General, U.S. Regular Army (July 25, 1866)

On November 3, 1868, Ulysses S. Grant was elected 18th president of the United States. He would serve two terms as president and would be forever tied to scandals including Black Friday and the Whiskey Ring. Over the past twelve decades, Grant’s legacy has been on the rebound. While he is still often thought of as a “butcher” and a corrupt president, he is in most scholarly circles considered one of the best army commanders in history and even his presidency is being reevaluated.

After his presidency, Grant and Julia would travel the world. He was a remarkable ambassador for the United States. In 1884, he would be diagnosed with terminal throat cancer – an obvious result of smoking cigars for many years. After being financially ruined by the bankruptcy of an investment banking company his son, Ulysses, Jr., was a partner in, Grant determined to use his final days writing his memoirs. He completed them days before succumbing to his cancer. His memoirs were published by Mark Twain and would be a phenomenal success, providing financial security for Julia during her remaining years.

Ulysses S. Grant died at Mount McGregor, New York on July 23, 1885. He is buried at General Grant National Monument in Manhattan, New York, next to Julia. The Grant Tomb is the largest mausoleum of its type in North America.

(i) Grant, Ulysses S., Memoirs and Selected Letters, Published by The Library of America in 1990, Pg. 22.
(ii) Ibid, Pg. 184.
(iii) Bonekemper, Edward H, III, A Victor, Not a Butcher: Ulysses S. Grant’s Overlooked Military Genius, Published by Regnery Publishing, Inc. in 2004, Appendix II, Pg. 323.

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With his army united along the Brock Road, Grant quickly realized Lee had arrived first, blocking his path. The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House began in earnest on May 9 when US Major General Winfield Scott Hancock attempted to cross the Po River at the Block House Bridge. A pitched battle occurred which ultimately kept Hancock from crossing the river and flanking Lee’s position. Calamity befell the Army of the Potomac that day when US Major General John Sedgwick was killed by a sniper’s bullet while inspecting his lines. Sedgwick would be one of the most senior generals killed during the Civil War and would be sorely missed by his VI Corps. He would be replaced by another competent general, Horatio G. Wright.

One of the most distinguishing characteristics of the Confederate field works was a large salient, near their right flank. Dubbed the Mule Shoe, it would witness some of the most intense fighting of the Civil War – fighting that often times would be hand-to-hand as the opposing forces fought in the trenches along the field works of the salient. Grant, however, believed the salient was the weakest link in Lee’s line. He would send two successive attacks against it. The first attack was during the late afternoon of May 10 when he sent US Colonel Emory Upton’s brigade into the northwest face of the Mule Shoe. Upton’s attack proved successful but was not promptly supported by Wright’s VI Corps. After breaking through the lines, the Confederates would regroup and push the small force out of the salient. Grant was not one to pass up what he believed to be an opportunity and would launch a second assault against the Mule Shoe on May 12. Believing Upton’s attack failed because there were not enough troops involved, he ordered W.S. Hancock to lead the assault with his entire II Corps. After breaking through the earthworks, Hancock was to be supported by US Major General Ambrose E. Burnside’s independent IX Corps on the east side of the salient, with Major General Gouverneur K. Warren’s V Corps and Wright’s VI Corps on the west side of the works. The attack was launched before sunrise on May 12 and would be successful. Over 3,000 Confederate soldiers and officers would be captured. Unfortunately, the support from the IX and VI corps was not timely and would ultimately lead to the repulse of the II Corps once the Rebels regained their balance. May 12 was a very bloody day, with nearly 17,000 combined casualties – including the aforementioned capture of 3,000 Rebels.

After the near defeat on May 12, Robert E. Lee pulled his lines back, nearly a half mile, from the mule shoe. This served to compact his lines and make them easier to defend. The most severe fighting at Spotsylvania was over. Skirmishing would continue for days near the abandoned Mule Shoe and one large scale attack at Harris Farm, near the Federal left flank, would be fought on May 19. This pitched engagement was not expected and pitted heavy artillery units, recently converted to infantry, which had been brought from the Washington City defenses, against CSA Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s veteran 2d Corps. While green, the artillerist fought with zeal, commanded by US Brigadier General Robert O. Tyler. They would eventually be reinforced by veteran infantrymen and would hold the field. Casualties continued to mount at Spotsylvania.

Over the next several days Grant weighed his options. He finally determined to push around Lee’s right flank again, leaving the bloodied fields of Spotsylvania Court House on May 21. Once again, Grant disengaged his forces secretly and stole the march on Robert E. Lee. The fighting at Spotsylvania added another 31,000 combined casualties to the rapidly growing list of Civil War losses. Five general officers, including Sedgwick, would be part of the gruesome casualty list: Sedgwick, James C. Rice and Thomas Stevenson (Union) with Confederate generals Junius Daniel and Abner M. Perrin becoming casualties and adding to an already depleted list of general officers on the Rebel side. Most telling to the sanguinary Battle of Spotsylvania Court House was the fact that 43 Union soldiers would receive the Medal of Honor for their heroism.

Grant would next face Lee at the North Anna.

For more information on the Battle of Spotsylvania check out my previous articles:

The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House – A New Level of Fighting

Mike’s Photo Essay on Spotsylvania Court House Battlefield

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Alexander S. Webb, U.S. Brigadier General

Birth Date: February 15, 1835
Birth Place: New York City, New York

Date of Death: February 12, 1911
Location of Death: Bronx, New York

Education: U.S. Military Academy at West Point – Class of 1855

Military Experience: Seminole War, Civil War

Awards/Medals/Promotions: brevet second lieutenant (July 1, 1855), second lieutenant (October 20, 1855), first lieutenant (April 28, 1861), captain (May 14, 1861), major (September 13, 1861), lieutenant colonel (August 20, 1862), brigadier general (June 23, 1863), brevet major general volunteers (August 4, 1864), brevet brigadier general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), brevet major general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), Medal of Honor (September 28, 1891)

Biography:

Alexander Stewart Webb was born in New York City, New York on February 15, 1835 to James W. Webb and Helen Bache Webb, nee Lispenard.(i) His father was a well respected newspaper owner and provided a comfortable living for his family. Young Alexander was able to attend private schools. He was appointed to West Point in 1851, graduating 13th in his class.(ii) After graduating he would be appointed brevet second lieutenant of artillery. He would see action in the Seminole War in 1856. From 1856-1857 he would serve garrison duty at Fort Independence, Massachusetts and Fort Snelling, Minnesota. He would return to West Point as an assistant professor of mathematics in November 1857 – a position he retained until January 1861.

After resigning his position at West Point, Webb would be transferred to Washington City where he served in garrison duty until April 4, 1861. He would be sent to Fort Pickens, Florida in early April and was promoted first lieutenant on April 28, serving in the 2d U.S. Artillery. On July 3, 1861 he was ordered to join Brigadier General Irvin McDowell’s Army of Northeastern Virginia (this was before the Federal Army was officially designated the Army of the Potomac). While there, he would be promoted captain in the 11th U.S. Infantry on May 14 and would be present at the First Battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861.(iii)

With the retreat of the Federal Army to Washington City, after its defeat at Bull Run, Webb would serve as assistant to Brigadier General William F. Barry, chief of artillery of the Army of the Potomac. He would be promoted major of the 1st Rhode Island Artillery Volunteers on September 14, 1861 and would serve in the defenses of Washington until April 1, 1862.(iv) With the start of Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, Webb would be sent with the Army of the Potomac to Fortress Monroe. He would see action at the Siege of Yorktown (April 5 – May 4), Mechanicsville (May 27) and Gaines’ Mill (June 27). During this time he served as Assistant Inspector General for Barry. He would be promoted lieutenant colonel of volunteers on August 20 and would serve as chief of staff in Brigadier General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps during the Maryland Campaign.

After the Battle of Antietam, Webb would be assigned to Washington to serve in the camp of instruction as Inspector of Artillery. He would remain at Camp Barry through January 1863 when he transferred back to the Army of the Potomac as Assistant Inspector General of Major General George G. Meade’s V Corps. He would see action at the Battle of Chancellorsville.

On June 23, 1863, Webb would be promoted brigadier general of volunteers and would be transferred to Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps.(v) He would command the Second Brigade (Philadelphia Brigade) in Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Second Division. In late June, the Army of the Potomac would march north to Pennsylvania and would become engaged in the largest battle on North American soil – Gettysburg. The II Corps would reach Gettysburg on the evening of July 1 and would be positioned in the center of the Union line along Cemetery Ridge. Webb’s brigade would be positioned near the center of the II Corps line and would not be part of the reinforcements Hancock sent to the Wheat Field and Peach Orchard to counter CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s attack against Major General Daniel E. Sickles’ III Corps. However, they would be engaged against CSA Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright’s late afternoon attack against their position. Webb’s brigade would push them back, beyond the Emmittsburg Road, capturing 300 Rebel prisoners and reclaiming a Federal artillery battery. During the evening hours, on July 2, he would detach two regiments to reinforce the I and XI corps on Cemetery Hill.

On the afternoon of July 3, Webb’s Philadelphia Brigade was holding the center of the II Corps line along Cemetery Ridge. They would eat a fairly quiet lunch with only the occasional artillery shell passing overhead. Webb was certainly unaware that his position would be the focal point for CSA General Robert E. Lee’s assault – an assault Lee hoped would break the Federal line and allow his Army of Northern Virginia to roll up the lines of the Army of the Potomac. Their position formed a salient angle with Colonel Norman J. Hall’s brigade to their left and Colonel Thomas A. Smyth’s brigade to their right. Smyth’s brigade was pulled back a couple hundred feet with the II Corps line extending north from their position. This formation created the salient angle with Webb’s brigade holding that angle. The 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry regiment comprised the brigade’s first line. They covered approximately 250 feet of the stone fence. The 71st and 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers supported the 69th, forming a second line approximately 50 yards to the rear of the first line.(vi) Two companies of Webb’s remaining regiment, the 106th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were posted further to the rear, supporting the skirmish line to their front (the other eight companies of the 106th were still detached on Cemetery Hill). Two guns of Lieutenant Alonzo H. Cushing’s Battery A, 4th U.S. Artillery were placed between the 69th and 71st (Cushing is included in my Soldier Profiles series – click HERE to read the article.)

At 1:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered Colonel E. Porter Alexander to open what would be the largest artillery bombardment of the Civil War. This barrage was intended to soften the Federal lines and damage as many Union artillery placements as possible. The artillery bombardment would also signal Major General George E. Pickett to prepare for his attack against the Federal army on Cemetery Ridge. While creating a significant amount of noise, and visually captivating sights, Alexander’s artillery was not effective in softening the Union lines. Brigadier General John Gibbon noted that many of the Rebel shells were not detonating or were detonating late, their range being too long and landing on the reverse slope of the Federal line, near Taneytown Road.(vii)

By 2:00 p.m., fire from E. Porter Alexander’s reserve artillery began to wane. Over the next thirty minutes Pickett would prepare his lines and step off, encouraging his men, “Don’t forget today that you are from Old Virginia!,” and exhorting them to stand to the work.”(viii) Lieutenant Frank Haskell, an aide on the staff of Gibbon, captured the moment succinctly, “None on that crest now need be told that the enemy is advancing. Every eye could see his legions, an overwhelming, resistless tide of an ocean of armed men, sweeping upon us! Right on they move, as with one soul, in perfect order, without impediment or ditch, or wall, or stream, over ridge and slope, through orchard, and meadow, and cornfield, magnificent, grim, irresistible.” Now scanning his own lines, Haskell continued, “All was orderly and still upon our crest – no noise, and no confusion.” The II Corps men were “survivors of a dozen battles,” and “…knew well enough what this array in front portended…”(ix) The mass of Rebels pushed forward deliberately, as if on the parade ground. While Haskell accurately described the advance, he was not fully correct. There was a significant impediment that stood between Pickett’s infantrymen and the Federal line – a long, well built fence along the Emmittsburg Road. By the time the Rebel soldiers reached this point they were taking heavy losses from the Federal infantry on Cemetery Ridge. Well within range of the very lethal spherical case and canister, the large guns would tear large gaps in the Confederate formations. These gaps would immediately be closed by the next line, stepping forward into the teeth of the Federal artillery. Due to this heavy cannonading from Cemetery Ridge, the attacking Rebels did not have time to tear down the fence that impeded their advance. Instead they have to rapidly scale the fence and start forward from the opposite side.

Meanwhile, Webb was encouraging his brigade. He implored his men to do as well today, as they had done the previous day when they captured portions of Wright’s Brigade. While his infantrymen were well positioned along the “angle,” he was concerned that Cushing’s only pair of working guns would not provide his infantry with the support they required. Having advised the seriously wounded Cushing that he expected the enemy to push directly on their position, Cushing replied, “I had better run my guns right up to the stone fence and bring all my canister alongside each piece.” Webb concurred with Cushing’s assessment and it may well have saved the day as Cushing’s artillerymen were U.S. Regular Army veterans.(x) With Cushing’s pair of 3” rifled Parrott guns now at the stone wall, Webb wisely ordered eight companies of his 71st Pennsylvania to the right of the artillery, positioning them to cover the wall until it made its jog to the east where it joined up with Smyth’s brigade.

It was when Pickett’s Confederate Division slammed into Webb’s 1,000 men, at the stone fence, that Webb provided his most valuable service to his country. Having been sent forward moments before, the 71st Pennsylvania’s commander, Colonel Richard Smith, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Charles Kochersperger to command the eight companies assigned to the “angle.” While he conveniently stayed behind with his other two companies, he advised Kochersperger to withdraw should the enemy come too close. This order, while at odds with the Federal army’s need to hold their position, would cause a 50 yard gap to open in the Federal line at the very point where Pickett’s division would attack. Once again, Haskell eloquently describes the unfolding situation, “Great Heaven! There by the group of trees, and the angles of the wall, was breaking from the cover of their works, and without orders or reason, with no hand lifted to check them, was falling back a fear-stricken flock of confusion.”(xi) This fear-stricken flock was the eight companies of the 71st Pennsylvania sent to the “angle.” Kochersperger quite obviously had taken Smith’s orders to heart and ordered his men to fall back just as Pickett’s division was pushing toward them. This gap allowed CSA Brigadier General Lewis Armistead, and a small band of his Rebel soldiers, to pierce the Federal line near Cushing’s two guns. With Cushing already killed the Federal artillerists quickly bolted to the rear. Armistead’s men quickly gathered around the two guns but were unable to use them as they were caught in an effective “no-man’s land.”

Webb, caught in a terrible position, had to plug the gap which the 71st Pennsylvania’s retreat had opened. His second line, manned by the 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers, was some 70 yards behind the “angle.” He quickly ordered the 72d forward, but they failed to move. Next he tried to take the National colors away from their color bearer. He would not let go. While the 72d stayed put, their colorfully clothed Zouave infantrymen opened a galling rifle fire into the position vacated by the 71st. This fire was most likely responsible for mortally wounding Armistead as he struggled with his small command around Cushing’s guns. Webb was everywhere at once. When the 72d did not move, he quickly moved forward to lead the men of the 69th as they battled at the wall. Arriving there he most certainly was struck with the carnage from the fight that had turned from a rifle battle into hand-to-hand combat. Webb would receive a superficial wound to his leg while at the wall. Colonel Dennis O’Kane of the 69 th Pennsylvania would be mortally wounded. On the other side of the wall, CSA Brigadier General Richard Garnett was killed instantly by a bullet to the head. Miraculously, the Federal line held. While holding their position is a testament to the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers élan, they were not alone in the fight. Timely reinforcements from Norman Hall’s brigade also helped Webb hold the “angle.” Additionally, the Rebel command structure had taken a beating with two brigadier generals out of the fight in Pickett’s division alone. The charge was doomed and the Confederate infantry retreated across the fields towards Seminary Ridge. Colonel Charles Wainwright, commander of the Union I Corps artillery was told by Webb, “…that when the enemy reached the wall all his lines began to shake, and for a moment he thought they were gone; but most of the rebs stopped at the wall…. That halt at the wall was the ruin of the enemy, as such halts almost always are; yet so natural is it for men to seek cover that it is almost impossible to get them to pass it under such circumstances.”(xii) Certainly, the outcome of the Battle of Gettysburg may have been much different had Webb’s brigade not held its position at the “angle.” Webb was brave under fire and encouraged his men to fight like the veterans they were. Without a doubt he was upset with the cowardly performance of his 71st Pennsylvania. Writing his wife after the battle, Webb stated, “When my men fell back I almost wished to be killed, I was almost disgraced.”(xiii)

Webb would receive brevet promotion to major of U.S. Regular Army for his actions at Gettysburg. He would command Gibbon’s division of the II Corps during the Rapidan Campaign and at Bristoe Station on October 14, 1863. Upon Gibbon’s return to command, Webb would return to brigade command during the Overland Campaign. He would see action at the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. While leading his brigade during the II Corps attack on the Mule Shoe salient, on May 12, 1864, Webb would receive a serious head wound. This wound would remove him from field command until January 11, 1865 when he would return as Chief of Staff to Major General George Gordon Meade, commander of the Army of the Potomac. He would receive brevet promotion to major general volunteers on August 1, 1864 for his gallant actions at Gettysburg, Bristoe Station, the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. He would remain Chief of Staff for the Army of the Potomac through the conclusion of the Civil War. On March 13, 1865, Webb received brevet promotion to brigadier general and major general U.S. Regular Army. After the Civil War, he would remain in the U.S. Army and would reach the rank of lieutenant colonel. He served in both the 44th and 5th U.S. Infantry. Prior to retiring in 1870, he would also serve as assistant professor of geography, history and ethics at West Point.(xiv)

Webb and his wife, Anna Elizabeth nee Remsen, had eight children together. They married on November 28, 1855. After retiring from the U.S. Army, Webb returned to New York City and became president of the City College of New York, a position he would hold for 32 years. On September 28, 1891, General Webb received the highest military honor the United States awards – the Medal of Honor – for his brave leadership at the Battle of Gettysburg. The official citation reads, “Distinguished personal gallantry in leading his men forward at a critical period in the contest.”(xv) Webb died on February 12, 1911 at Bronx, New York. He was 75 years old. He is a true American HERO.

i.See Alexander Stewart Webb at ancestry.com (http://trees.ancestry.com/tree/18374139/person/650870239)
ii. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 401.
iii. Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, published by Louisiana State University Press in 1999, Pg. 545.
iv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
v. Ibid.
vi. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pgs. 495-496.
vii. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pgs. 396-397.
viii. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pg. 476.
ix. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pg. 409.
x. Ibid, Pg. 436.
xi. Ibid, Pg. 445.
xii. Ibid, Pg. 452.
xiii. Ibid, Pg. 450.
xiv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
xv. Proft, R.J. (Bob), editor, United States of America’s Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients and Their Official Citations, published by Highland House II, Inc. in 2006, Pg. 1,037.

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George E. Pickett, CSA Major General

Date of Death: July 30, 1875
Location of Death: Norfolk, Virginia

Education: U.S. Military Academy at West Point – Class of 1846

Military Experience: Mexican War, Civil War

Major Battles: Battle of Chapultepec (Mexican War), Peninsula Campaign, Gaines’ Mill, Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, Five Forks

Awards/Medals/Promotions: Two brevet promotions during the Mexican War, first lieutenant and captain (1855), major CSA (June 25, 1861), colonel CSA (July 1861), brigadier general CSA (January 14, 1862), major general CSA (October 10, 1862)

Biography:

George Edward Pickett was born in Richmond, Virginia on January 16, 1825. He was the oldest of eight children born to Robert and Mary Pickett who came from a long line of well known Virginians. Pickett would move to Springfield, Illinois, as a young man, to study law. He would be appointed to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point when he was seventeen. While there were claims that Pickett was appointed by Abraham Lincoln, he was in fact appointed to West Point by John T. Stuart, a law partner of Lincoln.

Pickett obtained a rather unwanted reputation, while at West Point, that would nearly prevent him from graduating. Known as a prankster, the young cadet earned more than his share of demerits. He would eventually work off his demerits and would graduate last in his class of 1846 – a class that would include many well known Civil War general officers: Ambrose Powell “A.P.” Hill, John Gibbon, George B. McClellan, Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson and Jesse L. Reno.(ii)

After his graduation, Pickett would be appointed second lieutenant in the 8th U.S. Infantry. He would quickly be sent to the Mexican-American War where he would receive two brevet promotions for gallantry on the battlefield. At the Battle of Chapultepec, he would be given the U.S. flag by wounded friend, James Longstreet, and would receive much attention for carrying the colors over the wall and to the roof of the palace – all the while under fire. Over the next thirteen years, Pickett would serve on the frontier. In 1855, hewas promoted to first lieutenant and captain while serving with the 9th U.S. Infantry.(iii) His commands would take him from Texas to the Washington Territory.

While Pickett was not a supporter of slavery, he quickly cast his lot with the Confederate States of America, resigning from the United States Army on June 25, 1861. He would venture east, from Oregon, when Virginia seceded from the United States. Early in the war, he would be appointed colonel and would command the Rappahannock Line in the Department of Fredericksburg. His commander, Major General Theophilus Holmes would be instrumental in Pickett’s promotion to brigadier general on January 14, 1862.

Pickett’s Brigade was composed exclusively of Virginia regiments: 8th, 18th, 19th, 28th and 56th infantry regiments. Most of the regiments would receive their “baptism of fire” during the Peninsula Campaign. Pickett would also be leading his men into battle for the first time. They would see action at the battles of Williamsburg and Seven Pines (Fair Oaks). On June 27, at the Battle of Gaines’ Mill, Pickett would be severely wounded and knocked off his horse, by a bullet to the shoulder. While he was certain he was mortally wounded, he would recuperate over the summer.(iv)

With his return to active duty, in the autumn of 1862, Pickett would receive promotion to major general. Now commanding a five brigade division, he would be present at the Battle of Fredericksburg in December 1862, but would see little action. His division would march to Suffolk, Virginia with Longstreet’s 1st Corps and would be engaged in the siege there from April 11 – May 4, 1863. They would be recalled to Spotsylvania County when CSA General Robert E. Lee engaged US Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac at the Battle of Chancellorsville from April 30 – May 6, 1863. They would not arrive in time for the battle, but would take part in Lee’s upcoming campaign.

In early June, 1863, Robert E. Lee set off from the Rappahannock Line. Marching west, through Orange and Rappahannock counties, they would enter the Shenandoah Valley. Lee used this valley to mask his movements, leaving Hooker largely blind to what his intentions were. In late June they would arrive near Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Pushing east, the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia would engage US Brigadier General John Buford’s Federal cavalry division just west of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on July 1. This would be the opening salvo of the three day Battle of Gettysburg. Longstreet would push two division towards Gettysburg, commanded by major generals Lafayette McLaws and John Bell Hood, arriving south of the city on the morning of July 2. Pickett’s Division would be left to guard the supply trains and lines of communication at Chambersburg. He would arrive on the evening of July 2, after the terrible struggle at Little Round Top, the Wheat Field and the Peach Orchard. With much of his army exhausted, Lee determined to strike the center of the Federal line on Cemetery Ridge on the third day. It was his assumption that the Union line at that position had to be weakened by sending reinforcements to each flank on July 2. Longstreet would be in overall command of the combined “strike force” which would include Pickett’s Division, and two divisions from Lieutenant General A.P. Hill’s 3d Corps (J. Johnston Pettigrew and Isaac Trimble). Following a two hour artillery barrage, by Colonel Edward Porter Alexander’s artillery battalion, Pickettadmonished his division, “Up, men, and to your posts! Don’t forget today that you are from Old Virginia!”(v) His all Virginia division started their sanguinary march across the fields south of Gettysburg. All the time under severe artillery fire, the men were cut down in rows. While Brigadier General Lewis Armistead’s brigade was able to punch a hole through the Federal lines, he would receive no support from the other two brigades in Pickett’s division, commanded by brigadier general Richard Garnett and James Kemper. Armistead and Garnett would both be killed and Kemper would be wounded and captured. Pickett’s Division would suffer staggering losses at Gettysburg which included all thirteen of his regimental commanders. Often called the “High Water Mark” of the Confederacy, the Battle of Gettysburg, and Pickett’s Charge in particular, certainly demonstrated the fighting élan of the boys from Virginia. After returning to the Confederate lines at Seminary Ridge, Lee ordered Pickett to rally his division – fearing a Federal counterattack. Allegedly, Pickett responded, “General Lee, I have no division.”(vi) Pickett was said to be inconsolable and regretted the loss of his men for the remainder of his life.

After the Battle of Gettysburg, he would be sent to command the Department of Southern Virginia and North Carolina. In the spring of 1864, with US Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant pushing Lee in the battles of the Overland Campaign, Pickett would be sent to command the defenses of Richmond. Under the command of General P.G.T. Beauregard, he would take part in the Bermuda Hundred Campaign, effectively “bottling up” US Major General Benjamin F. Butler’s Army of the James. In June 1864, his division would be sent to reinforce Lee at Cold Harbor. It would be positioned near the center of the Confederate line and would not see significant action.(vii)

Following Lee’s movement to Petersburg, in June 1864, Pickett’s division would be with Longstreet’s 1st Corps, primarily along the Bermuda Hundred front. By late March 1865, the situation became tenuous for the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. After the Battle of Fort Stedman, on March 25, Lee was forced to bring Longstreet’s corps to the south edge of Petersburg. With Federal pressure mounting to take control of the railroads supplying Lee, he detached Pickett’s Division to protect his supply line – and his right flank. This would culminate in the Battle of Five Forks where Pickett’s division faced off against US Major General Phil Sheridan’s cavalry and the V Corps infantry. With only 5,000 troops to hold off the huge Federal force, Pickett quickly had his left flank overpowered and a pell-mell retreat towards the main Confederate lines followed. Unfortunately, Pickett was not on the field – he was at a shad bake several miles north of the battle and arrived too late to have any impact on the fighting. The loss at Five Forks made Lee’s lines at Petersburg untenable. He would be forced to retreat to Appomattox, where he surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia on April 9, 1865. Pickett would be removed of command, by Lee, after the Battle of Sailor’s Creek on April 6. There is some controversy regarding this order as Pickett was still signing official documents at “Major-Gen, Commd’g” as late at April 11 and was at Appomattox Court House when Lee surrendered.(viii)

Despite the terms of his parole, Pickett would flee to Canada after the war. He returned to Richmond in 1866 and worked as an insurance agent. Like so many other Confederate officers, especially those who graduated from West Point, Pickett had difficulty receiving amnesty. While President Grant supported pardoning Pickett, he would not receive his pardon until an Act of Congress passed on June 23, 1874 – one year before his death. General Pickett died in Norfolk, Virginia on July 30, 1875 and is buried at historic Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond.

(i) There is some confusion about Pickett’s actual birth date. The open edit online encyclopedia, Wikipedia, lists his birth date as January 16, 25 o 28, 1825. FindAGrave.com has his birthday listed as January 16, 1825. Ezra J. Warner, in Generals in Gray, lists his birth date as January 28, 1825.
(ii) See West Point Class of 1846 on CivilWarHome.com
(iii) Eicher, John H. and Eicher, David J., Civil War High Commands, published by Stanford University Press in 2001, Pg. 428.
(iv) Tagg, Larry, The Generals of Gettysburg, published by Savas Publishing in 1998, Pg. 237.

So it was with the 121st New York Infantry.  Salvatore G. Cilella’s recent book, “Upton’s Regulars: The 121st New York Infantry in the Civil War,” is the story of the foot soldiers from that famous New York Volunteer regiment.  Breaking new ground, by not just studying the battle history of the 121st, Cilella’s cutting edge book explores the lives of the soldiers, before, during and after the conflict.  Made famous by their second commander, Colonel Emory Upton, the 121st New York was considered unequaled in the proud VI Corps, Army of the Potomac.  Upton drilled the men and earned their trust, respect and loyalty.  On the parade ground they operated with precision, but on the battlefield they earned their laurels by hard fighting.  During the battle of Salem Church, part of the Chancellorsville Campaign, they would be decimated by an ambush engineered by CSA Brigadier General Cadmus Wilcox.  At the battle of Rappahannock Station, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers by storming their bridgehead.  In May 1864, they would arrive at Spotsylvania Court House with an effective strength of 460 soldiers, of all arms.  After Upton’s gallant charge of the Mule Shoe salient, and the fighting at the “Bloody Angle,” they would be reduced to 94 – with only four field officers left unscathed.  They would continue to cement their reputation during US Major General Phil Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Campaign, with solid battlefield performances at Third Winchester, Fisher’s Hill and Cedar Creek.  During the waning months of the war, they would fight in the trenches in front of Petersburg and perform heroically, while being flanked on two sides, at Hatcher’s Run.  Saving one of their best battlefield exploits for the Battle of Sailor’s Creek, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers, including CSA Major General George Washington Custis (G.W.C.) Lee – son of Robert E. Lee.  Arriving at Appomattox Station, on April 9, 1865, they were prepared to offer battle again – but were spared by Lee’s surrender to Ulysses S. Grant.  While their regimental battle flag proudly carried the names of the battles they fought in, four members of the regiment would earn the Medal of Honor for individual gallantry: Seymour H. Hall, Warren Dockum, Benjamin Gifford and Harris Hawthorne.  All told, 1,800 soldiers served in the 121st, with nearly 740 becoming battlefield casualties, or dying of disease.

“Upton’s Regulars” is a monumental study of these brave fighting men.  Cilella, no stranger to history, is the president and CEO of the Atlanta History Center.  His biography of the 121st New York will take you on a journey with the soldiers.  Beginning with the recruitment of the regiment and taking you through the publication of its regimental history, in 1921, his fast paced book is hard to put down.  I recently had the distinct pleasure of interviewing Mr. Cilella.  The following interview, like all of my author interviews, is divided into parts, so you can listen to it at your leisure.  This is a book that I recommend for any serious student of the Civil War, or anyone interested in what it meant to be foot soldier during the American Civil War.

Details about “Upton’s Regulars”
Written by: Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr.
Hardcover: 586 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: June 11, 2009
ISBN-10: 0700616454

Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr. Interview – 14 Parts
Total Time: 1 hour, 30 minutes, 42 seconds

Part 1: Sal Cilella Interview Part 1
Time: 7:35
Contents: Introductions | Sal’s interest in history and the Civil War | Authors and historians that influenced Sal’s interest in the Civil War | Alan Nolan’s influence on “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 2: Sal Cilella Interview Part 2
Time: 5:57
Contents: Discussion on “Upton’s Regulars” | Why the 121st New York Volunteer Infantry? | Otsego and Herkimer counties and the 121st New York | Recruiting the 121st New York

Part 3: Sal Cilella Interview Part 3
Time: 6:12
Contents: The “three phases” on the Civil War | Lincoln’s call for 300,000 soldiers in 1862 – 50,000 quick recruits can bring the war to an end?

Part 4: Sal Cilella Interview Part 4
Time: 7:39
Contents: The use of bounties to entice new recruits | A “patchwork” of bounties in New York | Mustering in at Camp Schuyler with Colonel Richard Franchot

Part 5: Sal Cilella Interview Part 5
Time: 4:09
Contents: Transferring to Washington, D.C. | The Maryland Campaign – hard marching and disease | Colonel Franchot leading his men shows his limited knowledge of the military arts

Part 6: Sal Cilella Interview Part 6
Time: 5:21
Contents: Franchot’s resignation and the forgotten commander – Charlie Clark | Emory Upton’s promotion to regimental command and his visits to convalescing soldiers | Clark prepares the 121st New York for command by West Pointer, Emory Upton | Cross-training the line officers of the 121st

Part 7: Sal Cilella Interview Part 7
Time: 8:28
Contents: Severe level of disease in the 121st New York during its first year of service | The use of firsthand accounts and primary source material in telling the soldiers’ stories | Researching “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 8: Sal Cilella Interview Part 8
Time: 6:03
Contents: Emory Upton’s drilling and training molds the 121st New York | Caught in a ambush – the 121st and its terrible losses at the Battle of Salem Church and enduring their first large scale engagement

Part 9: Sal Cilella Interview Part 9
Time: 8:20
Contents: Upton’s misstep in recruiting veteran soldiers for the depleted ranks of the 121st | The trying march to Gettysburg | Pursuing Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia | Desertion and the execution of Thomas Jewett | The 5th Maine Infantry – sister regiment of the 121st New York

Part 10: Sal Cilella Interview Part 10
Time: 4:53
Contents: To go into winter camp or not to? | The Battle of Rappahannock Station | Rappahannock Station a defining battle for the 121st New York

Part 11: Sal Cilella Interview Part 11
Time: 4:29
Contents: Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant and the Overland Campaign | Egbert Olcott assumes command of the 121st with Upton’s promotion to brigadier general | The Battle of the Wilderness | Upton’s Charge of the Mule Shoe salient at Spotsylvania Court House | Decimation at the Mule Shoe and the “Bloody Angle”

Part 12: Sal Cilella Interview Part 12
Time: 5:26
Contents: The 121st arrives in Washington to protect against CSA Lt. General Jubal Early’s advance into Maryland | Serving under US Major General Philip Sheridan in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign | The battle of Cedar Creek and Sheridan’s brilliant counter attack

Part 13: Sal Cilella Interview Part 13
Time: 8:28
Contents: The terrible winter months of 1865 in front of Petersburg, Virginia | The battle of Hatcher’s Run | The collapse of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia and the battle of Sailor’s Creek | The decades long controversy of who captured CSA Major General G.W.C. Lee | Harris Hawthorne receives the Medal of Honor – the controversy still smolders | The VI Corps delayed arrival in Washington D.C. after Appomattox Station and suffers through their own “Grand Review”

Part 14: Sal Cilella Interview Part 14
Time: 7:42
Contents: Saving the best for last – post Civil War history of the 121st New York Volunteers | Future projects Mr. Cilella is working on | Wrap up and closing

Other Great Civil War titles from the University Press of Kansas

Details about “Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era”
Written by: Nicole Etcheson
Paperback: 370 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: December 31, 2003
ISBN-10: 0700614923

Details about “Citizen Sherman: A Life of William Tecumseh Sherman”
Written by: Michael Fellman
Paperback: 504 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: July 9, 1995
ISBN-10: 0700608400

Details about “Commanding the Army of the Potomac”
Written by: Stephen R. Taaffe
Hardcover: 284 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 23, 2006
ISBN-10: 0700614516

Details about “Guide to the Atlanta Campaign”
Written by: Jay Luvas (editor) and Harold W. Nelson (editor)
Paperback: 383 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: May 7, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700615709

 
Details about “Jefferson Davis, Confederate President”
Written by: Herman Hattaway and Richard E. Beringer
Paperback: 566 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 30, 2002
ISBN-10: 0700612939

Details about “Joseph E. Johnston and the Defense of Richmond”
Written by: Steven H. Newton
Hardcover: 278 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: November 1998
ISBN-10: 0700609210

Details about “Lincoln Seen and Heard”
Written by: Harold Holzer
Hardcover: 226 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 2000
ISBN-10: 0700610014

Details about “Stonewall of the West: Patrick Cleburne and the Civil War”
Written by: Craig L. Symonds
Paperback: 328 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 28, 1997
ISBN-10: 0700609342

Details about “The Confederacy’s Greatest Cavalryman: Nathan Bedford Forrest”
Written by: Brian Steel Wills
Paperback: 457 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 1998
ISBN-10: 0700608850

Details about “The Rifle Musket in Civil War Combat”
Written by: Earl J. Hess
Hardcover: 288 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: September 9, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700616071

Details about “The War Within the Union High Command”
Written by: Thomas Joseph Goss
Hardcover: 320 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: August 2003
ISBN-10: 0700612637

 
###

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.

Battle of Cold Harbor

Location: Cold Harbor, VA
Dates: May 31, 1864 – June 12, 1864
Union Commander:  Ulysses S. Grant, Lieutenant General
Confederate Commander:  Robert E. Lee, General

Battle Summary:
Earlier in May, Grant stated to the administration, “I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer.”  Obviously aware of the mood of the country, during George B. McClellan’s days leading the Potomac, Grant was determined to get ahead of Lee, during the Overland Campaign of 1864.

After tangling with Lee in the Wilderness and at Spotsylvania Court House, Grant met Lee at the North Anna River.  Grant recognized this as a dangerous place for his army.  After performing a daring retreat, back across the North Anna River, he moved his army south, across the Pamunkey River.  After a serious cavalry engagement at Haw’s Shop, Grant finds Lee at a dusty crossroads village called Cold Harbor.  In the time it took Grant to reach Cold Harbor, Lee, on a shorter line from the North Anna River, had time to build earth works and trenches.  He deemed these necessary as his smaller army was now backed up against Richmond.  Grant believed the field better for a battle and moved his army into position.

Believing he could punch through Lee’s army, deliver a lethal blow, and move into Richmond, Grant attacked Lee on June 1.  Throwing two corps (US Major Generals Horatio Wright’s VI Corps and William F (Baldy) Smith’s XVIII Corps) into Lee’s entrenched lines, Grant had some success late in the afternoon.

With both armies up, on June 2, the line of battle was seven miles long.    The armies had throughly entrenched their positions, creating the most elaborate line of trenches used thus far in the war.

In position, on the morning of June 3, Grant had three corps (Winfield Hancock’s II Corps, “Baldy” Smith’s XVIII Corps and Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps) attack the Army of Northern Virginia.  The Union assault was repulsed along the entire line, causing huge casualty lists.  In his memoirs, Grant stated that the second assault at Cold Harbor was the one decision he made, that he later regretted.

The Army of the Potomac stayed in position for another week, before Grant decided he needed to continue his push around Lee’s right flank.  Once again, Grant was able to pull out of his works and leave, unnoticed by Lee.

Campaign: Overland

Outcome: Confederate Victory

Troop Strengths
Union: 117,000
Confederate: 60,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 13,000 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 5,000 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
Cold Harbor would mark the end of the Overland Campaign. Grant would relocate his army south of the James River and settle in for a quasi siege of Petersburg (there were several significant battle beside the siege).  While the siege of Petersburg took place over 10 months, Lee knew his army, and the Confederacy, could not survive a siege south of the James.  While the Union had a huge amount of troops they could feed into the Army of the Potomac, Lee could not replace lost troops.

For additional reading, please refer to the following articles on the Overland Campaign and Cold Harbor.

1. 2nd Regiment Connecticut Heavy Artillery
2. The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House – A New Level of Fighting
3. Battle of the Wilderness – Grant Takes it to Lee

(i) See The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House – A New Level of Fighting at The Battle of Spotsylvania Court House – A New Level of Fighting.
(ii) Refer to the Overland Campaign at Wikipedia.com.

Battle of Spotsylvania Court House(i)

Location: Spotsylvania County, VA (near Spotsylvania, VA)
Dates: May 8 – 21, 1864
Union Commander:  Ulysses S. Grant, Lieutenant General
Confederate Commander:  Robert E. Lee, General
                                        
Battle Summary:
In early March, 1864, Ulysses S. Grant was called to Washington, D.C.  Congress had recently reinstated the rank of lieutenant general, regular army.  It was widely speculated that Grant would receive promotion to that rank while there.  On March 9, in a formal ceremony, at the White House, Grant received his commission, to Lieutenant General – the first person to hold that rank, since George Washington. 

As Lieutenant General, Grant would be the supreme commander of all U.S. land based forces, the largest force ever commanded – nearly 600,000 men.  Grant went right to work, placing his friend, William T. Sherman, in command of all armies, in the west.  Determining to be near the action, Grant chose to have a remote headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, currently camped in northern Virginia.  Upon arriving at the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac, Grant met with its commander, Major General George Gordon Meade.  Meade immediately offered to step aside, allowing Grant to place one of his confidants in charge.  After meeting with Meade, Grant determined that it would be better for troop morale to keep Meade in place.  In his first order to Meade, he made things very clear, “Lee’s army will be your objective.  Where he goes, there you will go also.”

Grant’s overall strategy was one of action.  His armies would no longer focus on capturing points, it would focus on annihilating the opposing armies.  Meade would focus on Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, US Major General William T. Sherman would focus on CS General Joseph Johnston’s Army of Tennessee, now in Georgia.  There would be simultaneous assaults, starting when the weather broke, that would keep Lee off balance, and not allow Confederate President Jefferson Davis to redirect forces to other theaters.

On May 5 and 6, 1864, the Army of the Potomac went into action.  Again crossing the Rapidan River, into Spotsylvania County, Meade’s army met Lee for two days of fighting in what would be called the Battle of the Wilderness.  This battle took place on nearly the same ground that one year earlier witnessed the most brilliant victory of Lee’s career.  In May 1863, Lee would divide his army, hitting US Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac, in the flank and rear.  Hooker would suffer a terrible defeat in the Battle of Chancellorsville.  It was Grant’s desire to quickly cross the Rapidan and push through the tangle of the Wilderness, meeting Lee somewhere in the open.  Instead, Lee was one step ahead of him and hit Grant before all of his army was prepared.  The toll on both sides was terrible.  Many of the wounded, that were unable to walk, or crawl, were burned alive from fires created overnight, by artillery shells.  In the end, the battle waged two days, with neither side gaining much ground.

The North, and the South, would soon realize that U.S. Grant was not like the previous generals, in the east.  In the past, when “Bobbie Lee” would attack the eastern troops, the army would retreat across the river to “lick its wounds.”  Grant was determined to press Lee.  On May 7, Grant issued Meade a simple directive, “General:  Make all preparations during the day for a night march to take position at Spotsylvania Court-House.”  During the early morning hours of May 8, the troops pulled back from their lines at the Wilderness and started marching east.  Many of the troops were sure that Grant, like previous commanders, would retreat north of the Rapidan River.  However, when the army turned south on the Brock Road, many cheers were given up for Grant.  No longer would this army retreat in front of the foe.

The Overland Campaign, as the battles starting with the Wilderness, would be known, would usher in a new age for the fighting troops.  Grant would continue to pound away on his foe, in an unrelenting fashion, for six unremitting weeks.  Civilians on both sides, of the Mason Dixon Line, would be appalled by the blood shed.

Troops from US Major General Gouverneur Warren’s V Corps and Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps would arrive near Spotsylvania Court House on May 8.  Upon arriving, they would find portions of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia had already arrived and blocked the Brock Road near the Spindle farm.  Fighting would start during the mid-morning, on May 8, and would last through most of the day.  On May 9, troops from US Major General Winfield Scott Hancock’s II Corps would arrive along with Confederate CS Lieutenant General A.P. Hill’s 3rd Corps.  Hancock would send two divisions, under Major Generals David Birney and Francis Barlow, to aide Warren’s V Corps, placing them on the right flank.  These troops were opposed by one brigade under CS Brigadier General William Mahone and a division under CS Major General Henry Heth.

Earlier in the day, on May 9, the U.S. Army would lose the highest ranking officer, killed in action, during the entire Civil War.  While assisting in placing his troops, Major General, regular army, John Sedgwick was chiding his lieutenants for attempting to “dodge” sharpshooter musketry.  Speaking to his lieutenants, Sedgwick said, “What!  What!  Men dodging this way for single bullets!  What will you do when they open fire along the whole line?  I am ashamed of you.  They couldn’t hit an elephant at this distance.”  At this, Sedgwick laughed, “All right, my man.  Go to your place.”  Then a dull thud was heard, with the general slowly rotating as he fell.  He had been hit by an sharpshooter’s minie ball, below the left eye.  It is said that his lips were curled in a smile as he died, perhaps frozen there, upon death, while bantering with his troops.  Sedgwick would be succeeded by Brigadier General Horatio Wright, who would command the VI Corps for the remainder of the war.

On May 10, Hancock ordered Barlow, and Birney, to disengage, and pull north of the Po River, to assault another section of the rebel line.  Francis Barlow’s division would be viciously attacked by Heth’s division while crossing the Po.  Wright’s VI Corps, and Warren’s V Corps, would unsuccessfully assault Laurel Hill, while further northeast, at a salient that would forever be known as the “Mule Shoe,” Grant would send twelve regiments into a strongly entrenched foe.  While salients were not always the preferred battle line formation, due to being easily enveloped by enfilade fire, Lee’s salient would continue to be a force over the next several days of fighting.

On May 11, Grant would continue to prepare his lines for the next offensive against R.E. Lee.  However, south of Spotsylvania, at a crossroads called Yellow Tavern, the largest cavalry engagement, to that point in the war, was being waged.  Before leaving the Wilderness, Major General Phil Sheridan, commander of the Union Cavalry, had pushed Meade to let him move independently on the Confederate cavalry, commanded by CS Major General J.E.B. Stuart.  Meade was adamant that he needed Sheridan’s force on hand as they moved to Spotsylvania, but Grant overrode Meade and told him to send Sheridan.  Sheridan repulsed Stuart’s cavalry at Yellow Tavern and rode close to Richmond, causing much consternation amongst her citizens.  The largest loss, at Yellow Tavern, was J.E.B. Stuart.  Stuart would die from his wounds, on May 12, and would be grieved in the south, nearly as much as Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson, who died, almost to the day, one year before, at Guinea Station, Virginia.  Stuart’s death would usher in a new era of Union cavalry supremacy. 

Grant believed that the weakest point, in Lee’s line, was the apex of the “Mule Shoe.”  His plan called for a simultaneous attack, to be launched early on May 12, against the north and east sides of the salient.  Winfield Hancock’s II Corps would lead the attack on the north face, while the east face would be attacked by the IX Corps, commanded by Major General Ambrose Burnside.  At 4:30 AM, Hancock’s Corps started marching across the fields, in front of the Mule Shoe.  They quickly reached the Mule Shoe, carrying approximately 1/2 mile into the salient, where they captured approximately 3,000 of CS Lieutenant General Richard Ewell’s 2nd Corps, before being repulsed all the way back to the outside of the salient.  Grant would feed additional troops, from Wright’s VI Corps, against the west face of the salient.  This area became known as the “Bloody Angle.”

Meanwhile, Burnside’s IX Corps was late starting and ran into a very strong attack by CS Brigadier General James Lane’s, and CS Colonel David Weisiger’s troops, near Spotsylvania Court House.  Now, instead of a coordinated attack, against two sides of Ewell’s troops, U.S. Grant settled for an all out attack by Hancock’s Corps, and would feed Wright’s VI Corps into the west side, more or less piecemeal.  We are left wondering, 140+ years later, what the outcome would have been, had Burnside’s attack been coordinated with Hancock’s?  Could they have kept the ground that was gained early in the day?  We’ll never know.

The action at the salient was not done.  All along the works, at the Mule Shoe, the II and VI Corps continued to slug it out with Ewell’s troops.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, in many areas, with soldiers firing through the works, at point blank range, into their foe.  In many cases, they would use their empty muskets to club the enemy or would ram their bayonet through the works, into an unseen rebel.  Early the next morning, a II Corps soldier wrote, “The trench on the Rebel side of the works was filled with their dead piled together in every way with their wounded.  The sight was terrible and ghastly.”  The area, near the Bloody Angle, would be so “hot” with musketry, that a 22 inch oak tree would be cut in two.  Its stump now rests in the Smithsonian Institute, and the spot it was felled is prominently marked, on the west face of the Mule Shoe, where New Jersey troops from the VI Corps fought.  In later years, this battle would be compared to the trench warfare used 50 years later, during World War I.

R.E. Lee would be forced to move his lines back to the base of the salient, in the overnight hours, of May 13.  This position would be easier for him to defend.  At dawn on May 13, Wright informed Meade that they were in the salient, and the Confederates had pulled back.

Overnight, on May 14, the Union V and VI Corps pulled out and moved to the east side of the salient, joining with Burnside’s IX Corps.  From this position, Grant would attack Lee’s new position, on May 17. 

In a desperate move, on May 19, Lee would send Ewell’s 2nd Corps on a  reconnaissance mission, to find the Union right flank.  It would be a circuitous route, from the base of the east side of the salient, around the north side, and would end with a bitter engagement with fresh Union troops, under Brigadier General Robert Tyler, at the Harris Farm.  Tyler’s troops were “green,” having just arrived from garrison duty at Washington City.  These troops were artillery men by trade and had been pushed into service, at Spotsylvania, as infantry.  They fought gallantly, losing close to 1,500 casualties, compared to the 900, that Ewell would lose.  This would end the fighting at Spotsylvania.

Campaign: Overland

Outcome: Draw (While Grant did not shatter Lee’s Army, and move onto Richmond, Lee also did not keep Grant bottled up at the Rapidan River line.)

Troop Strengths
Union: 111,000
Confederate: 63,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 18,000 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 9,000+ (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
Once again, after Spotsylvania, Ulysses S. Grant would disengage his army, and move around R.E. Lee’s right flank.  The armies would meet again, a few miles southeast of Spotsylvania, on the North Anna River.  Lee, working on interior lines, would beat Grant there, and entrench south of the North Anna.  Grant would come very close to sacrificing his army at the North Anna River.  If it were not for a masterful disengagement, Grant’s army would have been separated, by the Confederates and the North Anna River, where they could have been beaten separately.  During Spotsylvania, Grant would set the tone for the entire Overland Campaign, when he stated, “I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer.”  It would.

In the end, Grant was fighting a battle of numbers.  Grant had a supply of fresh troops to continue replacing his casualties, Lee did not.  After Cold Harbor, Mary Lincoln would call Grant a butcher, a description that would be repeated throughout the rest of the war.  However, Grant did not deserve this characterization.  The numbers do not bear it out.  In a terrific book, by Edward H. Bonekemper III, “A Victor, Not a Butcher,” total Union casualties during the Overland, Petersburg and Appomattox campaigns, were 116,954.  Confederate losses in R.E. Lee’s opposing army, during the same period, were 106,573.  A significantly higher proportion of loss, than Grant suffered.  Bonekemper’s analysis lists total casualties, as a percentage of troops engaged, for each of the primary generals, during the course of the war.  Grant had a significantly lower number, and lower percentage of loss than Lee.  Grant’s total was 15%, while Lee’s was 20%.  Bonekemper’s conclusion is that while the losses were staggering, during Grant’s Overland Campaign, they were acceptable based on the overall situation in the north.  Grant knew he had to be on the offensive.  It was an election year, and in order for Lincoln to be re-elected, against the “Copperheads,” and Peace Democrats, victories would need to happen.

Grant’s strategy worked.  Lee had informed Richmond, that he could not win a war against Grant, if it came to a siege, below Richmond.  This would become Grant’s exact battle plan.  Separate Lee, and Richmond, from their base of supplies in the deep south, and lay siege to their lines.  It would take time, but Grant’s tactical plan would work.  After another masterful disengagement, and flanking move, after Cold Harbor, Lincoln would telegraph Grant, “I begin to see it: you will succeed.  God Bless you all.”

The Overland Campaign would be the opening act for U.S. Grant, that would take him all the way to Appomattox Court House, eleven months later, where he would receive the surrender of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. 

(i) Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, at BattlefieldPortraits.com.

In early May, Grant had the Army of the Potomac camped north of the Rapidan River.  His plan, to be carried out by Meade, was to quickly cross the Rapidan and push through the “Wilderness” before Lee could move in and attack.  The Wilderness was a dense forest of thick brush, mixed with newer growth forest and farm fields.  In May 1863, US Major General Joseph Hooker was thrashed by Lee, during the Battle of Chancellorsville, in the same dense forest.  Grant had that in mind when he planned his battle, not wanting to give Lee an opportunity to strike his army there.

Robert E. Lee had camped his Army of Northern Virginia, during the winter months, west of Chancellorsville.  Anticipating Grant would make a move towards Richmond, Lee sent CS Lieutenant General Richard Ewell’s 2nd Corps, and CS Lieutenant General A.P. Hill’s 3rd Corps, to counter such a move.  Lee knew it was in his best interest to engage Grant in the Wilderness, where his smaller army would have a better chance against the 100,000+ Federal troops.  Additionally, Lee had ordered CS Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s 1st Corps, less CS Major General George Pickett’s Division, to join him west of Chancellorsville.  Unfortunately, by the morning of May 5, Longstreet had not arrived.

Meade had ordered his three corps to cross the Rapidan River, on May 4.  US Major Generals Gouverneur Warren’s V Corps, and John Sedgwick’s VI Corps crossed at Germanna Ford.  US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps crossed further east, at Ely’s Ford.  On May 5, the two Confederate corps engaged the Yankee army.  Ewell’s Corps attacked Warren’s troops, battling throughout the day, along the Orange Turnpike.  Later in the afternoon, A.P. Hill’s Corps attacked Hancock’s II Corps, and a portion of Sedgwick’s VI Corps.  Hill would be roughly handled along the Orange Plank Road.  Grant would receive additional reinforcements, with the arrival of US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps.  Grant positioned him between the two wings of the army.  Overnight, on May 5, the two armies held roughly the same positions.  Grant, speaking to reporter Henry Wing, told him to relay to Lincoln, “(Grant) told me I was to tell you, Mr. President, that there would be no turning back.”(iv)

The battle would resume on May 6, with Lee still waiting for Longstreet’s Corps to arrive.  To the north, Ewell would continue to contain Sedgwick and Warren’s corps along the Orange Turnpike.  Further south, along the Plank Road, Hancock’s II Corps aggressively pushed Hill’s 3rd Corps nearly two miles west.  Hill was again suffering large losses.  Lee was in a serious predicament.  He was in jeopardy of being flanked, on his right, and pushed against the Rapidan River.  Fortune would once again shine on Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia when Longstreet’s 1st Corps arrived, around 12:00 noon.  With Hancock’s corps fatigued by six hours of fighting, Hill’s troops would start pushing him back.  Longstreet’s 12,000 troops were sent to the aid of Hill.  Finding an unfinished railroad cut, south of Hill’s flank, Longstreet pushed his corps quickly towards Hancock’s left flank.  There they would slam into Hancock, pushing him back to the intersection of the Plank Road, and Brock Road.  After two terrible days of fighting, both sides were essentially at a stalemate.  While Lee had momentum, and had taken the offensive, he was still badly outnumbered.  Additionally, Lee once again suffered the loss of one of his most trusted lieutenants – James Longstreet – who was seriously wounded by friendly fire.  He would recover several months later, but would leave Lee with a vacuum in his senior leadership.  Grant held a strong position and could continue to battle Lee in the tangle of the Wilderness.

Overnight, on May 6, Grant made preparations to move around the right flank, of Lee, heading south for Spotsylvania Court House.  After fighting for two days in the Wilderness, Grant told Lieutenant Colonel Horace Porter, “I do not hope to gain any decided advantage from fighting in this forest.”(v)  As the Army of the Potomac disengaged from Lee, on May 7, many of the soldiers had resigned to another retreat.  One Federal soldier stated it was not, “another Chancellorsville….another skedaddle…,” as the army turned south, “our spirits rose.”(vi)  However, the carnage was terrific.  Artillery shells set the forest ablaze.  Porter recalled the terror of the battle, “Forest fires raged; ammunition trains exploded; the dead were roasted in the conflagration; the wounded, roused by its hot breath, dragged themselves along, with their torn and mangled limbs, in the mad energy of despair, to escape the ravages of the flames; and every bush seemed hung with shreds of blood stained clothing.”(vii)  Indeed, many wounded soldiers could not escape the slowly advancing flames, and were burned to death.  Some soldiers were able to load and fire their muskets, taking their lives before the flames could do their grizzly work.

In what would become known as the Overland Campaign, the carnage had only begun.  Grant would continue to attempt flanking moves, around Lee’s right flank.  Eventually, he believed he could reach Richmond before Lee.

Statistics for the Battle of the Wilderness(viii)

Combat Strength:
Federal: 115,000
Confederate: 60,000

Casualties:
Federals: 18,000
Confederate: 10,800

Result: Inconclusive

(i) The Battle of the Wilderness, at Wikipedia, was used to research this article.
(ii) Grant’s written order to Meade, April 9, 1864, Grant, Ulysses S., Grant Memoirs and Selected Letters, published by The Library of America 1990, Pg. 482.
(iii) Grant’s written order to Meade, April 9, 1864, Grant, Ulysses S., Grant Memoirs and Selected Letters, published by The Library of America 1990, Pg. 481.
(iv) Bonekemper III, Edward H., A Victor Not a Butcher: Ulysses S. Grant’s Overlooked Military Genius, published by Regnery Publishing, Inc. 2004, Pg. 167.
(v) Rhea, Gordon C., The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5–6, 1864, published by Louisiana State University Press 1994, Pg. 436.
(vi) McPherson, James A., Battle Cry of Freedom, published by Oxford University Press 1988, Pgs. 635–636.
(vii) Rhea, Gordon C., The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5–6, 1864, published by Louisiana State University Press 1994, Pgs. 451–452.
(viii) Kennedy, Frances H., The Civil War Battlefield Guide, Second Edition, published by Houghton Mifflin Company 1998, Pg. 281.