For a more detailed narrative on the Battle of the Crater, check out my essay by clicking HERE.

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Over the intervening fourteen decades, the landscape around Gettysburg has changed significantly. These changes were not only created by buildings, commercial development and urban sprawl. Much of it has been caused by the slow creep of the landscape. Fields becoming woodlots, woodlots becoming open fields and orchards vanishing into prairie grass. On this anniversary of the sanguinary fight at Gettysburg, I thought it might be appropriate to offer a link to an article which I wrote in October 2009: Gettysburg National Military Park – A Study in Contrasts. This article highlights the National Park Service’s efforts to restore the sight lines which existed in the 1860′s. If you have not been to Gettysburg recently, I would recommend you review this article. The park service has done a fine job at Gettysburg.

Gettysburg National Military Park – A Study in Contrasts

Shortly after this article was published, the National Park Service provided an update on the rehabilitation efforts at Gettysburg. To review this article click on the following link:

Gettysburg National Military Park – Rehabilitation Update

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Mike’s Photo Essay: Washington DC – A city of monuments

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Alexander S. Webb, U.S. Brigadier General

Birth Date: February 15, 1835
Birth Place: New York City, New York

Date of Death: February 12, 1911
Location of Death: Bronx, New York

Education: U.S. Military Academy at West Point – Class of 1855

Military Experience: Seminole War, Civil War

Awards/Medals/Promotions: brevet second lieutenant (July 1, 1855), second lieutenant (October 20, 1855), first lieutenant (April 28, 1861), captain (May 14, 1861), major (September 13, 1861), lieutenant colonel (August 20, 1862), brigadier general (June 23, 1863), brevet major general volunteers (August 4, 1864), brevet brigadier general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), brevet major general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), Medal of Honor (September 28, 1891)

Biography:

Alexander Stewart Webb was born in New York City, New York on February 15, 1835 to James W. Webb and Helen Bache Webb, nee Lispenard.(i) His father was a well respected newspaper owner and provided a comfortable living for his family. Young Alexander was able to attend private schools. He was appointed to West Point in 1851, graduating 13th in his class.(ii) After graduating he would be appointed brevet second lieutenant of artillery. He would see action in the Seminole War in 1856. From 1856-1857 he would serve garrison duty at Fort Independence, Massachusetts and Fort Snelling, Minnesota. He would return to West Point as an assistant professor of mathematics in November 1857 – a position he retained until January 1861.

After resigning his position at West Point, Webb would be transferred to Washington City where he served in garrison duty until April 4, 1861. He would be sent to Fort Pickens, Florida in early April and was promoted first lieutenant on April 28, serving in the 2d U.S. Artillery. On July 3, 1861 he was ordered to join Brigadier General Irvin McDowell’s Army of Northeastern Virginia (this was before the Federal Army was officially designated the Army of the Potomac). While there, he would be promoted captain in the 11th U.S. Infantry on May 14 and would be present at the First Battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861.(iii)

With the retreat of the Federal Army to Washington City, after its defeat at Bull Run, Webb would serve as assistant to Brigadier General William F. Barry, chief of artillery of the Army of the Potomac. He would be promoted major of the 1st Rhode Island Artillery Volunteers on September 14, 1861 and would serve in the defenses of Washington until April 1, 1862.(iv) With the start of Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, Webb would be sent with the Army of the Potomac to Fortress Monroe. He would see action at the Siege of Yorktown (April 5 – May 4), Mechanicsville (May 27) and Gaines’ Mill (June 27). During this time he served as Assistant Inspector General for Barry. He would be promoted lieutenant colonel of volunteers on August 20 and would serve as chief of staff in Brigadier General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps during the Maryland Campaign.

After the Battle of Antietam, Webb would be assigned to Washington to serve in the camp of instruction as Inspector of Artillery. He would remain at Camp Barry through January 1863 when he transferred back to the Army of the Potomac as Assistant Inspector General of Major General George G. Meade’s V Corps. He would see action at the Battle of Chancellorsville.

On June 23, 1863, Webb would be promoted brigadier general of volunteers and would be transferred to Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps.(v) He would command the Second Brigade (Philadelphia Brigade) in Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Second Division. In late June, the Army of the Potomac would march north to Pennsylvania and would become engaged in the largest battle on North American soil – Gettysburg. The II Corps would reach Gettysburg on the evening of July 1 and would be positioned in the center of the Union line along Cemetery Ridge. Webb’s brigade would be positioned near the center of the II Corps line and would not be part of the reinforcements Hancock sent to the Wheat Field and Peach Orchard to counter CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s attack against Major General Daniel E. Sickles’ III Corps. However, they would be engaged against CSA Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright’s late afternoon attack against their position. Webb’s brigade would push them back, beyond the Emmittsburg Road, capturing 300 Rebel prisoners and reclaiming a Federal artillery battery. During the evening hours, on July 2, he would detach two regiments to reinforce the I and XI corps on Cemetery Hill.

On the afternoon of July 3, Webb’s Philadelphia Brigade was holding the center of the II Corps line along Cemetery Ridge. They would eat a fairly quiet lunch with only the occasional artillery shell passing overhead. Webb was certainly unaware that his position would be the focal point for CSA General Robert E. Lee’s assault – an assault Lee hoped would break the Federal line and allow his Army of Northern Virginia to roll up the lines of the Army of the Potomac. Their position formed a salient angle with Colonel Norman J. Hall’s brigade to their left and Colonel Thomas A. Smyth’s brigade to their right. Smyth’s brigade was pulled back a couple hundred feet with the II Corps line extending north from their position. This formation created the salient angle with Webb’s brigade holding that angle. The 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry regiment comprised the brigade’s first line. They covered approximately 250 feet of the stone fence. The 71st and 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers supported the 69th, forming a second line approximately 50 yards to the rear of the first line.(vi) Two companies of Webb’s remaining regiment, the 106th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were posted further to the rear, supporting the skirmish line to their front (the other eight companies of the 106th were still detached on Cemetery Hill). Two guns of Lieutenant Alonzo H. Cushing’s Battery A, 4th U.S. Artillery were placed between the 69th and 71st (Cushing is included in my Soldier Profiles series – click HERE to read the article.)

At 1:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered Colonel E. Porter Alexander to open what would be the largest artillery bombardment of the Civil War. This barrage was intended to soften the Federal lines and damage as many Union artillery placements as possible. The artillery bombardment would also signal Major General George E. Pickett to prepare for his attack against the Federal army on Cemetery Ridge. While creating a significant amount of noise, and visually captivating sights, Alexander’s artillery was not effective in softening the Union lines. Brigadier General John Gibbon noted that many of the Rebel shells were not detonating or were detonating late, their range being too long and landing on the reverse slope of the Federal line, near Taneytown Road.(vii)

By 2:00 p.m., fire from E. Porter Alexander’s reserve artillery began to wane. Over the next thirty minutes Pickett would prepare his lines and step off, encouraging his men, “Don’t forget today that you are from Old Virginia!,” and exhorting them to stand to the work.”(viii) Lieutenant Frank Haskell, an aide on the staff of Gibbon, captured the moment succinctly, “None on that crest now need be told that the enemy is advancing. Every eye could see his legions, an overwhelming, resistless tide of an ocean of armed men, sweeping upon us! Right on they move, as with one soul, in perfect order, without impediment or ditch, or wall, or stream, over ridge and slope, through orchard, and meadow, and cornfield, magnificent, grim, irresistible.” Now scanning his own lines, Haskell continued, “All was orderly and still upon our crest – no noise, and no confusion.” The II Corps men were “survivors of a dozen battles,” and “…knew well enough what this array in front portended…”(ix) The mass of Rebels pushed forward deliberately, as if on the parade ground. While Haskell accurately described the advance, he was not fully correct. There was a significant impediment that stood between Pickett’s infantrymen and the Federal line – a long, well built fence along the Emmittsburg Road. By the time the Rebel soldiers reached this point they were taking heavy losses from the Federal infantry on Cemetery Ridge. Well within range of the very lethal spherical case and canister, the large guns would tear large gaps in the Confederate formations. These gaps would immediately be closed by the next line, stepping forward into the teeth of the Federal artillery. Due to this heavy cannonading from Cemetery Ridge, the attacking Rebels did not have time to tear down the fence that impeded their advance. Instead they have to rapidly scale the fence and start forward from the opposite side.

Meanwhile, Webb was encouraging his brigade. He implored his men to do as well today, as they had done the previous day when they captured portions of Wright’s Brigade. While his infantrymen were well positioned along the “angle,” he was concerned that Cushing’s only pair of working guns would not provide his infantry with the support they required. Having advised the seriously wounded Cushing that he expected the enemy to push directly on their position, Cushing replied, “I had better run my guns right up to the stone fence and bring all my canister alongside each piece.” Webb concurred with Cushing’s assessment and it may well have saved the day as Cushing’s artillerymen were U.S. Regular Army veterans.(x) With Cushing’s pair of 3” rifled Parrott guns now at the stone wall, Webb wisely ordered eight companies of his 71st Pennsylvania to the right of the artillery, positioning them to cover the wall until it made its jog to the east where it joined up with Smyth’s brigade.

It was when Pickett’s Confederate Division slammed into Webb’s 1,000 men, at the stone fence, that Webb provided his most valuable service to his country. Having been sent forward moments before, the 71st Pennsylvania’s commander, Colonel Richard Smith, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Charles Kochersperger to command the eight companies assigned to the “angle.” While he conveniently stayed behind with his other two companies, he advised Kochersperger to withdraw should the enemy come too close. This order, while at odds with the Federal army’s need to hold their position, would cause a 50 yard gap to open in the Federal line at the very point where Pickett’s division would attack. Once again, Haskell eloquently describes the unfolding situation, “Great Heaven! There by the group of trees, and the angles of the wall, was breaking from the cover of their works, and without orders or reason, with no hand lifted to check them, was falling back a fear-stricken flock of confusion.”(xi) This fear-stricken flock was the eight companies of the 71st Pennsylvania sent to the “angle.” Kochersperger quite obviously had taken Smith’s orders to heart and ordered his men to fall back just as Pickett’s division was pushing toward them. This gap allowed CSA Brigadier General Lewis Armistead, and a small band of his Rebel soldiers, to pierce the Federal line near Cushing’s two guns. With Cushing already killed the Federal artillerists quickly bolted to the rear. Armistead’s men quickly gathered around the two guns but were unable to use them as they were caught in an effective “no-man’s land.”

Webb, caught in a terrible position, had to plug the gap which the 71st Pennsylvania’s retreat had opened. His second line, manned by the 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers, was some 70 yards behind the “angle.” He quickly ordered the 72d forward, but they failed to move. Next he tried to take the National colors away from their color bearer. He would not let go. While the 72d stayed put, their colorfully clothed Zouave infantrymen opened a galling rifle fire into the position vacated by the 71st. This fire was most likely responsible for mortally wounding Armistead as he struggled with his small command around Cushing’s guns. Webb was everywhere at once. When the 72d did not move, he quickly moved forward to lead the men of the 69th as they battled at the wall. Arriving there he most certainly was struck with the carnage from the fight that had turned from a rifle battle into hand-to-hand combat. Webb would receive a superficial wound to his leg while at the wall. Colonel Dennis O’Kane of the 69 th Pennsylvania would be mortally wounded. On the other side of the wall, CSA Brigadier General Richard Garnett was killed instantly by a bullet to the head. Miraculously, the Federal line held. While holding their position is a testament to the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers élan, they were not alone in the fight. Timely reinforcements from Norman Hall’s brigade also helped Webb hold the “angle.” Additionally, the Rebel command structure had taken a beating with two brigadier generals out of the fight in Pickett’s division alone. The charge was doomed and the Confederate infantry retreated across the fields towards Seminary Ridge. Colonel Charles Wainwright, commander of the Union I Corps artillery was told by Webb, “…that when the enemy reached the wall all his lines began to shake, and for a moment he thought they were gone; but most of the rebs stopped at the wall…. That halt at the wall was the ruin of the enemy, as such halts almost always are; yet so natural is it for men to seek cover that it is almost impossible to get them to pass it under such circumstances.”(xii) Certainly, the outcome of the Battle of Gettysburg may have been much different had Webb’s brigade not held its position at the “angle.” Webb was brave under fire and encouraged his men to fight like the veterans they were. Without a doubt he was upset with the cowardly performance of his 71st Pennsylvania. Writing his wife after the battle, Webb stated, “When my men fell back I almost wished to be killed, I was almost disgraced.”(xiii)

Webb would receive brevet promotion to major of U.S. Regular Army for his actions at Gettysburg. He would command Gibbon’s division of the II Corps during the Rapidan Campaign and at Bristoe Station on October 14, 1863. Upon Gibbon’s return to command, Webb would return to brigade command during the Overland Campaign. He would see action at the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. While leading his brigade during the II Corps attack on the Mule Shoe salient, on May 12, 1864, Webb would receive a serious head wound. This wound would remove him from field command until January 11, 1865 when he would return as Chief of Staff to Major General George Gordon Meade, commander of the Army of the Potomac. He would receive brevet promotion to major general volunteers on August 1, 1864 for his gallant actions at Gettysburg, Bristoe Station, the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. He would remain Chief of Staff for the Army of the Potomac through the conclusion of the Civil War. On March 13, 1865, Webb received brevet promotion to brigadier general and major general U.S. Regular Army. After the Civil War, he would remain in the U.S. Army and would reach the rank of lieutenant colonel. He served in both the 44th and 5th U.S. Infantry. Prior to retiring in 1870, he would also serve as assistant professor of geography, history and ethics at West Point.(xiv)

Webb and his wife, Anna Elizabeth nee Remsen, had eight children together. They married on November 28, 1855. After retiring from the U.S. Army, Webb returned to New York City and became president of the City College of New York, a position he would hold for 32 years. On September 28, 1891, General Webb received the highest military honor the United States awards – the Medal of Honor – for his brave leadership at the Battle of Gettysburg. The official citation reads, “Distinguished personal gallantry in leading his men forward at a critical period in the contest.”(xv) Webb died on February 12, 1911 at Bronx, New York. He was 75 years old. He is a true American HERO.

i.See Alexander Stewart Webb at ancestry.com (http://trees.ancestry.com/tree/18374139/person/650870239)
ii. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 401.
iii. Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, published by Louisiana State University Press in 1999, Pg. 545.
iv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
v. Ibid.
vi. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pgs. 495-496.
vii. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pgs. 396-397.
viii. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pg. 476.
ix. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pg. 409.
x. Ibid, Pg. 436.
xi. Ibid, Pg. 445.
xii. Ibid, Pg. 452.
xiii. Ibid, Pg. 450.
xiv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
xv. Proft, R.J. (Bob), editor, United States of America’s Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients and Their Official Citations, published by Highland House II, Inc. in 2006, Pg. 1,037.

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Besides US Major General George Gordon Meade, 39 other Civil War era general officers found their final rest at Laurel Hill.  Unfortunately, I was unable to locate one of the most famous interments at Laurel Hill, CSA Lieutenant General John C. Pemberton.  Pemberton was originally from Philadelphia but cast his lot with the Confederacy.  He would ultimately surrender Vicksburg to Ulysses S. Grant on July 4, 1863.  Other notable officers buried at Laurel Hill are Charles Ferguson Smith, Samuel W. Crawford, Rear-Admiral John A.B. Dahlgren and Robert Patterson.

Click HERE to visit my photo essay on Laurel Hill Cemetery.

With the promotion of Ulysses S. Grant, to lieutenant general commanding all U.S. ground forces, in March 1864, the complexion of fighting in the east would drastically change.  Grant would replace his cavalry corps commander, Major General Alfred Pleasanton, with Major General Philip H. Sheridan.  Sheridan had earned his “stars” commanding infantry in the western theater and was a hard fighter.  Grant’s command structure would have his new cavalry commander reporting to Major General George Gordon Meade, commander of the Army of the Potomac.  During the Overland Campaign, Sheridan would struggle with Meade who was accustomed to using his cavalry to guard his supply train and on scouting missions.  Wanting to be used in an offensive capacity, against his Confederate adversary, Sheridan would appeal to Grant to turn him loose behind Lee’s lines.  Grant would acquiesce, much to Meade’s dismay.  While Grant was battering Lee at Spotsylvania Court House, Sheridan would ride south with his cavalry corps in search of Stuart.  He would find him on the afternoon of May 11 at the abandoned inn at Yellow Tavern – approximately six miles north of Richmond.  While Sheridan had over twice as many troopers, Stuart’s three cavalry brigades made a valiant effort to prevent the Federals from breaking through their lines.  During the fight the 1st Virginia Cavalry would charge the Federal lines causing Colonel Russell Alger’s 5th Michigan Cavalry to bolt for the rear.  Stuart, always leading from the front, would be shot a close range by John A. Huff, a former sharpshooter.  Shot through the side, with the bullet tearing through his stomach, Stuart would be removed to Richmond where he would die on May 12.  The fight at Yellow Tavern would continue for an hour after Stuart’s wounding with CSA Major General Fitzhugh Lee taking command.  Sheridan’s numerical superiority would prove too much and he push south towards Richmond, never piercing the city’s outer defenses.

The Battle of Yellow Tavern permanently changed the complexion of the Confederate Cavalry.  No longer would they out soldier their Federal adversary.  With J.E.B. Stuart’s death the fighting elan of the Confederate mounted arm was diminished, depriving Robert E. Lee of arguably the best cavalry commander to ever fight in America.  Stuart is a true American HERO.

Battle of Fredericksburg

Location: Fredericksburg, VA
Dates: December 11-15, 1862
Union Commander:  Ambrose Burnside, Major General
Confederate Commander:  Robert E. Lee, General

Battle Summary:
In late September, 1862, the Union’s Army of the Potomac, commanded by US Major General George B. McClellan, expelled Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia from Sharpsburg, Maryland.  On September 17 these armies engaged in what would become the bloodiest single day in United States history -a battle that would be named after a lazy creek that runs through Sharpsburg – Antietam. While the battle was essentially a draw, it was greeted in the north as a resounding victory, prompting Lincoln to issue the Emancipation Proclamation.

Lincoln’s excitement turned to despair, however, as he tried to nudge McClellan into the offensive, while Lee’s army was most vulnerable to attack.  Finally, in late October, 1862, McClellan put his army in motion, entering into Virginia, skirting the east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains.  Unfortunately, he moved very sluggishly.  Lincoln, in an effort to speed McClellan, wired his commander that his army was closer to Richmond than Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia.  At the same time, Lincoln made private vow to remove “Little Mac” if he let Lee’s army get between him and Richmond.  On November 7, Lincoln had had enough.  He sent US Brigadier General C.P. Buckingham to McClellan’s headquarters, at Rectortown, with orders to remove McClellan.  The same orders placed US Major General Ambrose Burnside in command of the Union’s Army of the Potomac.

Ambrose Burnside, was a reluctant commander.  Friends with McClellan, he preferred to have a supporting role in the east, rather than overall command.  Fearing the commanding role would devolve, upon his nemesis, Joe Hooker, Burnside accepted the new position.  Burnside would be the third commander of the Army of the Potomac, and was an 1847 graduate of West Point.

Burnside wasted little time.  By November 15, he had his army in motion.  His plan was to flank Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, crossing the Rappahannock River above, and below, Fredericksburg.  By choosing Fredericksburg as his point to launch into the Rebel army, he would only have to cross the Rappahannock River.  If he were to take the more direct route, he would have two formidable rivers to cross – the Rappahannock and the Rapidan.  A quick movement would assure surprise and would catch the Army of Northern Virginia in a vulnerable position - as it was falling back to protect Richmond.

Burnside also changed the organizational structure of his army.  While retaining the overall Corps structure, he organized his Corps into three grand divisions.  The Right Grand Division, commanded by US Major General Edwin Sumner, would include the II Corps, commanded by Major General Darius Couch, and the IX Corps, commanded by Brigadier General Orlando Willcox.  The Center Grand Division, commanded by US Major General Joseph Hooker, would include the III Corps, commanded by Brigadier General George Stoneman, and the V Corps, commanded by Brigadier General Daniel Butterfield.  The Left Grand Division, commanded by US Major General William Franklin, would include the I Corps, commanded by Major General John Reynolds, and the VI Corps, commanded by Major General William F. “Baldy” Smith.

By November 17, the flanking move seemed to be working.  Sumner’s Grand Division had arrived on the east bank of the Rappahannock and were at Stafford Heights, immediately opposite Fredericksburg.  The rest of Burnside’s army arrived shortly afterwards.  Unfortunately, a mix up at the war department slowed the arrival of the pontoon bridging equipment necessary to ford the Rappahannock.  Burnside would wait a week for his pontoons to arrive.  It was at this same time that Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was also arriving at Fredericksburg.  This effectively made Burnside’s plan, for an unopposed crossing of the river, impossible.

The mighty Army of Northern Virginia was clearly arrayed behind Fredericksburg.  Facing Burnside was the powerful 1st Corps of CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet.  His Corps was occupying the high ground, beyond Fredericksburg, known as Marye’s Heights.  Fearing a feint at Fredericksburg, and a general movement downstream, Lee had positioned much of his 2d Corps, commanded by CSA Lieutenant General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson, 20 miles downstream.  Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was close to 80,000 troops strong, facing a very impressive Union army of over 110,000 troops.

During the overnight hours of December 11, Burnside deployed his engineers to build pontoon bridges at three crossings: the Upper, Middle and Lower.  Work went smoothly until the first rays of sun started to burn through the fog.  Once the engineers were visible, they became easy targets for the single brigade assigned to guard against such a crossing.  CSA Brigadier General William Barksdale’s Brigade, comprised of soldiers from Florida, and Mississippi, was posted in the lower downtown area.

After Barksdale’s Brigade started its deadly shooting, Burnside determined to use his heavy artillery, posted at Stafford Heights, to force them out of town.  For over an hour, the big Union guns fired into the town of Fredericksburg.  All told, over 7,000 shells were fired, by 150 heavy guns, into the town of Fredericksburg.  Unfortunately, Barksdale’s Brigade was unharmed by the massive bombardment.  When the engineers went back to work, they were picked off easily by the Rebel infantry.  Finally, it was decided that Federal infantry would use the pontoons as boats, to storm the opposite bank.  The small “shock” force quickly dislodged Barksdale’s Brigade, pushing them through the streets of Fredericksburg in some of the only urban street fighting during the Civil War.  Burnside’s engineers quickly finished the pontoon bridges, allowing Federal infantry to occupy Fredericksburg on the evening of December 11.

In the meantime, Lee, recognizing that there would not be a crossing further downstream, recalled Jackson’s 2d Corps, assigning them to an area due south of Longstreet.  This line, stretching south of Fredericksburg, was naturally strong as Jackson’s troops could dig into the hillside of a long bluff, Prospect Hill, under the cover of trees.  Jackson was confident that his position would be very strong.

On December 12 the majority of the Army of the Potomac crossed into Fredericksburg.  Unfortunately, the abandoned town was too much for the men with looting, vandalism and drinking commonplace throughout the streets, parlors and homes of Fredericksburg.  After the main battle, when questioned about how he would handle the Union debauchery, Stonewall Jackson said, “Kill them, sir, kill every man!”

On the unusually warm, and foggy morning, of Saturday, December 13, US Major General William Franklin’s Left Grand Division was tasked with assaulting the heights, south of town, held by Jackson’s 2d Corps.  Due to rather ambiguous language in Burnside’s orders, Franklin was given discretion on how he would feed his grand division into battle.  With close to 60,000 soldiers at his disposal, he determined to send in only one division, commanded by US Major General George G. Meade.  Later in the battle he would receive support from two other divisions, commanded by brigadier generals Abner Doubleday, and John Gibbon.  Moving into position, to attack Jackson’s line, Meade’s division was enfiladed by one battery of Rebel cannon, commanded by CSA Major John Pelham.  The fire from the guns was very accurate, and destructive.  Gibbon would dispatch one brigade, of Wisconsin and Indiana troops, to silence Pelham’s Horse Artillery.  These troops, the only all Western brigade in the Army of the Potomac, had earned the well deserved moniker, “Iron Brigade,” during their action at the Battle of South Mountain.

After dislodging Pelham’s artillery, Meade sent his troops against Jackson’s entrenched infantry and artillery.  The area they struck was a sliver of woods that crossed the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac railroad tracks.  While they had heavy casualties in crossing the open ground, to these woods, they did enjoy a breakthrough near the tracks.  In this area the Confederates would forever lose the services of CSA Brigadier General Maxcy Gregg.  He would be mortally wounded during Meade’s breakthrough.  Jackson immediately funneled new troops into the area of Meade’s breakthrough, and having very little support, Meade was forced to pull back beyond the tracks, and the Richmond Stage Road.

The second phase – and the better known phase of the Battle of Fredericksburg – against Longstreet’s 1st Corps started when Burnside observed Meade’s repulse.  Originally designed to start when Franklin’s Left Grand Division had started to roll up Lee’s right flank, Sumner’s Right Grand Division was to assault Longstreet’s Corps, approximately 1/2 mile beyond Fredericksburg, on Marye’s Heights.  Wave, after wave, of Union soldiers marched through Fredericksburg, across the open fields, the Canal Ditch and up the hill, only to be annihilated before they reached the stone wall, beyond which was a sunken road.  Here CSA Brigadier General Thomas R.R. Cobb’s Georgia brigade poured out a withering fire.  While Cobb would be mortally wounded by an artillery shell, his brigade would mow down successive waves of divisions and brigades.  Even the vaunted Irish Brigade would be chewed up trying to reach the Sunken Road.

By sunset, the fighting had sputtered to an end.  The weather, however, changed for the worst.  Soldiers who had thrown aside their jackets, and blankets, in the balmy weather of December 13, were greeted with sub-freezing temperatures overnight.  The area between Marye’s Heights, and Fredericksburg, became a “no man’s land,” where the slightest movement by a Federal soldier would illicit a shot from the Confederates.  Besides dying from their injuries, Union soldiers also froze to death where they had fallen.  On December 14, CSA Sergeant Richard R. Kirkland, of the 2d South Carolina Infantry regiment, asked CSA Brigadier General Joseph Kershaw if he could aid the wounded Federal soldiers begging for water.  At first Kershaw declined Kirkland’s request, but later would allow him to move into the “no man’s land.”  However, he refused his request to carry a white flag, which would have protected him.  Nineteen year old Kirkland gathered as many canteens as he could, filling them with water, and stepped out over the wall.  Sporadic musketry failed to hit him and when the Federal soldiers understood his humanitarian intentions they, along with many Confederate soldiers, cheered him.  He walked among the wounded soldiers giving them water and helping those he could.  After his canteens were emptied, he returned back to his post and his duties as an infantryman.  Known as the “Angel of Marye’s Heights,” Kirkland would continue to fight with the 2d South Carolina until he was killed charging Snodgrass Hill, during the Battle of Chickamauga.

During the Battle of Fredericksburg, Robert E. Lee was quoted, “It is well that war is so terrible – lest we should grow too fond of it.”  How right he was.

While Burnside was determined to make additional attacks against Marye’s Heights, even stating he would lead them himself, he would decide to heed his lieutenants’ advice against doing so.  While the two armies held their positions through the day of December 15, Burnside would retreat across the Rappahannock River during the early morning hours of December 16.  Thus ended the horrific battle of Fredericksburg, an unequaled rout of the Army of the Potomac that ultimately provided no benefit to the Union arms.

Campaign: Fredericksburg

Outcome: Confederate victory

Troop Strengths
Union: 115,000
Confederate: 78,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 12,600 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 5,300 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
The butcher’s bill for Fredericksburg was very high.  The north was appalled at the waste of life that ultimately provided no advantage to the Union war effort.  On January 20, in an effort to resuscitate his career, Burnside tried one more flanking movement, this time against Lee’s left flank.  What would become known as the “Mud March” would further demoralize his army, and lead quickly to another change in commanders for the Army of the Potomac.  Both armies would remain in their relative positions for the remainder of the winter, before they would meet again, just a few miles west, at a sleepy crossroads called Chancellorsville.

While Abraham Lincoln was not willing to lose the services of Burnside, he was compelled to remove him from the Eastern Theater.  Burnside, along with his IX Corps, would be transferred to the Department of the Ohio, which Burnside would command through 1863.  In early 1864 he would return to the Army of the Potomac, where he would continue to command the IX Corps through the Overland Campaign.  In front of Petersburg, in July 1864, Burnside would approve the explosion of the Crater on July 30.  Proving a debacle, US Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant would relieve him of command on August 14, 1864.  He would not command another field army during the Civil War.  On April 15, the day Lincoln would fall to an assassin’s bullet, Burnside officially resigned his army commission.  After the Civil War, Burnside would take executive positions with several railroads.  He would be elected to three one year terms as Governor of Rhode Island.  From 1871–1872 he would be the commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic.  Burnside would serve as the first president of the National Rifle Association when it was formed in 1871.  His service to his country was still not concluded.  In 1874 Rhode Island would elect him U.S. Senator.  He would be re-elected in 1870 and would serve until his death on September 13, 1881.  He is buried in Swan Point Cemetery, in Providence, Rhode Island.

###

So it was with the 121st New York Infantry.  Salvatore G. Cilella’s recent book, “Upton’s Regulars: The 121st New York Infantry in the Civil War,” is the story of the foot soldiers from that famous New York Volunteer regiment.  Breaking new ground, by not just studying the battle history of the 121st, Cilella’s cutting edge book explores the lives of the soldiers, before, during and after the conflict.  Made famous by their second commander, Colonel Emory Upton, the 121st New York was considered unequaled in the proud VI Corps, Army of the Potomac.  Upton drilled the men and earned their trust, respect and loyalty.  On the parade ground they operated with precision, but on the battlefield they earned their laurels by hard fighting.  During the battle of Salem Church, part of the Chancellorsville Campaign, they would be decimated by an ambush engineered by CSA Brigadier General Cadmus Wilcox.  At the battle of Rappahannock Station, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers by storming their bridgehead.  In May 1864, they would arrive at Spotsylvania Court House with an effective strength of 460 soldiers, of all arms.  After Upton’s gallant charge of the Mule Shoe salient, and the fighting at the “Bloody Angle,” they would be reduced to 94 – with only four field officers left unscathed.  They would continue to cement their reputation during US Major General Phil Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Campaign, with solid battlefield performances at Third Winchester, Fisher’s Hill and Cedar Creek.  During the waning months of the war, they would fight in the trenches in front of Petersburg and perform heroically, while being flanked on two sides, at Hatcher’s Run.  Saving one of their best battlefield exploits for the Battle of Sailor’s Creek, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers, including CSA Major General George Washington Custis (G.W.C.) Lee – son of Robert E. Lee.  Arriving at Appomattox Station, on April 9, 1865, they were prepared to offer battle again – but were spared by Lee’s surrender to Ulysses S. Grant.  While their regimental battle flag proudly carried the names of the battles they fought in, four members of the regiment would earn the Medal of Honor for individual gallantry: Seymour H. Hall, Warren Dockum, Benjamin Gifford and Harris Hawthorne.  All told, 1,800 soldiers served in the 121st, with nearly 740 becoming battlefield casualties, or dying of disease.

“Upton’s Regulars” is a monumental study of these brave fighting men.  Cilella, no stranger to history, is the president and CEO of the Atlanta History Center.  His biography of the 121st New York will take you on a journey with the soldiers.  Beginning with the recruitment of the regiment and taking you through the publication of its regimental history, in 1921, his fast paced book is hard to put down.  I recently had the distinct pleasure of interviewing Mr. Cilella.  The following interview, like all of my author interviews, is divided into parts, so you can listen to it at your leisure.  This is a book that I recommend for any serious student of the Civil War, or anyone interested in what it meant to be foot soldier during the American Civil War.

Details about “Upton’s Regulars”
Written by: Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr.
Hardcover: 586 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: June 11, 2009
ISBN-10: 0700616454

Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr. Interview – 14 Parts
Total Time: 1 hour, 30 minutes, 42 seconds

Part 1: Sal Cilella Interview Part 1
Time: 7:35
Contents: Introductions | Sal’s interest in history and the Civil War | Authors and historians that influenced Sal’s interest in the Civil War | Alan Nolan’s influence on “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 2: Sal Cilella Interview Part 2
Time: 5:57
Contents: Discussion on “Upton’s Regulars” | Why the 121st New York Volunteer Infantry? | Otsego and Herkimer counties and the 121st New York | Recruiting the 121st New York

Part 3: Sal Cilella Interview Part 3
Time: 6:12
Contents: The “three phases” on the Civil War | Lincoln’s call for 300,000 soldiers in 1862 – 50,000 quick recruits can bring the war to an end?

Part 4: Sal Cilella Interview Part 4
Time: 7:39
Contents: The use of bounties to entice new recruits | A “patchwork” of bounties in New York | Mustering in at Camp Schuyler with Colonel Richard Franchot

Part 5: Sal Cilella Interview Part 5
Time: 4:09
Contents: Transferring to Washington, D.C. | The Maryland Campaign – hard marching and disease | Colonel Franchot leading his men shows his limited knowledge of the military arts

Part 6: Sal Cilella Interview Part 6
Time: 5:21
Contents: Franchot’s resignation and the forgotten commander – Charlie Clark | Emory Upton’s promotion to regimental command and his visits to convalescing soldiers | Clark prepares the 121st New York for command by West Pointer, Emory Upton | Cross-training the line officers of the 121st

Part 7: Sal Cilella Interview Part 7
Time: 8:28
Contents: Severe level of disease in the 121st New York during its first year of service | The use of firsthand accounts and primary source material in telling the soldiers’ stories | Researching “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 8: Sal Cilella Interview Part 8
Time: 6:03
Contents: Emory Upton’s drilling and training molds the 121st New York | Caught in a ambush – the 121st and its terrible losses at the Battle of Salem Church and enduring their first large scale engagement

Part 9: Sal Cilella Interview Part 9
Time: 8:20
Contents: Upton’s misstep in recruiting veteran soldiers for the depleted ranks of the 121st | The trying march to Gettysburg | Pursuing Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia | Desertion and the execution of Thomas Jewett | The 5th Maine Infantry – sister regiment of the 121st New York

Part 10: Sal Cilella Interview Part 10
Time: 4:53
Contents: To go into winter camp or not to? | The Battle of Rappahannock Station | Rappahannock Station a defining battle for the 121st New York

Part 11: Sal Cilella Interview Part 11
Time: 4:29
Contents: Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant and the Overland Campaign | Egbert Olcott assumes command of the 121st with Upton’s promotion to brigadier general | The Battle of the Wilderness | Upton’s Charge of the Mule Shoe salient at Spotsylvania Court House | Decimation at the Mule Shoe and the “Bloody Angle”

Part 12: Sal Cilella Interview Part 12
Time: 5:26
Contents: The 121st arrives in Washington to protect against CSA Lt. General Jubal Early’s advance into Maryland | Serving under US Major General Philip Sheridan in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign | The battle of Cedar Creek and Sheridan’s brilliant counter attack

Part 13: Sal Cilella Interview Part 13
Time: 8:28
Contents: The terrible winter months of 1865 in front of Petersburg, Virginia | The battle of Hatcher’s Run | The collapse of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia and the battle of Sailor’s Creek | The decades long controversy of who captured CSA Major General G.W.C. Lee | Harris Hawthorne receives the Medal of Honor – the controversy still smolders | The VI Corps delayed arrival in Washington D.C. after Appomattox Station and suffers through their own “Grand Review”

Part 14: Sal Cilella Interview Part 14
Time: 7:42
Contents: Saving the best for last – post Civil War history of the 121st New York Volunteers | Future projects Mr. Cilella is working on | Wrap up and closing

Other Great Civil War titles from the University Press of Kansas

Details about “Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era”
Written by: Nicole Etcheson
Paperback: 370 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: December 31, 2003
ISBN-10: 0700614923

Details about “Citizen Sherman: A Life of William Tecumseh Sherman”
Written by: Michael Fellman
Paperback: 504 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: July 9, 1995
ISBN-10: 0700608400

Details about “Commanding the Army of the Potomac”
Written by: Stephen R. Taaffe
Hardcover: 284 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 23, 2006
ISBN-10: 0700614516

Details about “Guide to the Atlanta Campaign”
Written by: Jay Luvas (editor) and Harold W. Nelson (editor)
Paperback: 383 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: May 7, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700615709

 
Details about “Jefferson Davis, Confederate President”
Written by: Herman Hattaway and Richard E. Beringer
Paperback: 566 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 30, 2002
ISBN-10: 0700612939

Details about “Joseph E. Johnston and the Defense of Richmond”
Written by: Steven H. Newton
Hardcover: 278 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: November 1998
ISBN-10: 0700609210

Details about “Lincoln Seen and Heard”
Written by: Harold Holzer
Hardcover: 226 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 2000
ISBN-10: 0700610014

Details about “Stonewall of the West: Patrick Cleburne and the Civil War”
Written by: Craig L. Symonds
Paperback: 328 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 28, 1997
ISBN-10: 0700609342

Details about “The Confederacy’s Greatest Cavalryman: Nathan Bedford Forrest”
Written by: Brian Steel Wills
Paperback: 457 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 1998
ISBN-10: 0700608850

Details about “The Rifle Musket in Civil War Combat”
Written by: Earl J. Hess
Hardcover: 288 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: September 9, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700616071

Details about “The War Within the Union High Command”
Written by: Thomas Joseph Goss
Hardcover: 320 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: August 2003
ISBN-10: 0700612637

 
###

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.

After three freezing cold days, opposite Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, at Mine Run, commanding general of the Union Army of the Potomac, Major General George Meade decided to call the attack off.  For the men in US Major Andrew Mather’s 121st NYV Infantry (Colonel Upton was commanding their brigade at this time), which was posted in the first attacking line, it felt like the reprieve of a death sentence.  John Hartwell, from Company C, aptly described the relief he felt after Meade called off the attack, writing his wife he stated, “(Meade would have been without an army and she)…would have been without a husband.”(i)

Now, getting to the quote that caused me to chuckle, followed by no little guilt when taking the civilian plight into consideration, I must provide some additional detail.  After pulling back from their Mine Run line, the 121st regimental surgeon, Dr. Daniel Holt commandeered a secesh house, and its out-buildings, for a field hospital.  The home’s owner, a tanner by trade, vacated his home, leaving his daughters behind.  The daughters, were described as, “Fair specimens of Southern Chivalry – snuff dipping, dilapidated, lantern jawed bipeds of neuter gender.”(ii)  When these young ladies were told that the army had taken their home, they promptly expressed the hope that it would burn down, “with every damned Yankee in it!”  Dr. Daniel Bland, a staff surgeon, assured them it would burn down, but with no Yankees in it.  Several hours later, after they were done using the house, it and the out-buildings were put to the torch.

While the quote describing the young southern ladies may be humorous, when put in context of what happened to their home, it demonstrates how deeply the Civil War affected the lives of civilians.  As a student and amateur scholar of the Civil War, sometimes I find myself enamored with the fighting, often forgetting how terrible the fratricidal war was for the civilians that were randomly caught in its action.  Sometimes I need to reflect on a very popular quote from US Major General William Tecumseh Sherman, “War is hell,” and remember that it was not glamorous, chivalrous or anything close to romantic.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Jr., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 248.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Jr., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 248.