To view my photo essays on the Antietam National Battlefield Park, click HERE.

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Within days of CSA General Robert E. Lee’s victory over US Major General John Pope, at the Second Battle of Manassas (Bull Run), Lee would cross his Army of Northern Virginia into Maryland. Lincoln had just placed Major General George B. McClellan in command of the armies at Washington City (Potomac and Virginia). Lee, unable to strike a deadly blow to Pope’s retreating army after the Battle of Chantilly, believed it essential that he maintain the momentum his army achieved after the Seven Days battles and Second Manassas. His plan called for a movement to the Frederick area where he could await the Federals on a field of his own choosing. Unfortunately, US Colonel Dixon S. Miles’ garrison at Harper’s Ferry posed a threat to the rear of his army. Additional Federal troops near Martinsburg, Virginia (present day West Virginia) could sever his supply line – effectively crippling the entire campaign. With roughly 60,000 soldiers in his army, he was severely outnumbered by whatever combined army the U.S. War Department sent to pursue him. Simply put, Lee found himself in a very precarious position.

In an audacious move, believing the Union troops would be slow in pursuit, Lee separated his army sending Major General James Longstreet’s command through Boonsboro to Hagerstown, Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s command to capture Harper’s Ferry and leaving a portion of his cavalry, and Major General Daniel Harvey (D.H.) Hill’s division, to guard the passes in South Mountain, just west of Frederick. Putting his plan in motion, Lee issued Special Order 191 sending copies to Jackson, Longstreet, two division commanders (Lafayette McLaws and D.H. Hill) and cavalry commander, Major General J.E.B. Stuart. The armies were to move at first light on September 10.

McClellan would arrive in Frederick with the Army of the Potomac on September 13. His army would be met with cheers from the largely loyal population of central Maryland. While resting near the Monocacy River, a misplaced copy of Lee’s Special Order 191 would be found wrapped around three cigars by a soldier in the 27th Indiana Volunteer Infantry. Believing it significant, the soldier passed it to his commander where it would make its way to McClellan.

While McClellan would immediately notify President Lincoln of his find, explaining “no time would be lost” in taking advantage of the most important intelligence of the war, it would take time to get his massive army through Frederick. Orders were issued to his senior lieutenants, major generals Ambrose E. Burnside and William B. Franklin, to move with alacrity at first light, September 14. Burnside was to push towards the northernmost gap, Turner’s, on the National Road. He was to clear the gap and push after Longstreet’s command. Mclellan’s orders to Bill Franklin were explicit and detailed, believing his role crucial to rescuing Miles’ garrison at Harper’s Ferry. He was to waste no time pushing through Burkittsville before first light, and using the Gapland Road, force his way through Crampton’s Gap. Once the gap was cleared he was to enter Pleasant Valley and march south toward’s Maryland Heights, relieving Miles. Unfortunately, the timing was not achieved and precious time would be lost reaching the gap.

The Battle of South Mountain was crucial for each army commander. Lee needed to delay any incursion into Pleasant Valley to provide Jackson time to consummate the capture of Harper’s Ferry. If McClellan did not push through the gaps quickly, Harper’s Ferry would eventually fall and any hope of defeating Lee piecemeal would vanish. The fate of both armies hinged on the defense which D.H. Hill could muster at the gaps. Lee’s Maryland Campaign and the future of the Union hung in the balance.

To read my complete essay on the Battle of South Mountain, click HERE.

To listen to a recent interview I had with Dr. Tom Clemens, editor of “The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. 1: South Mountain,” click HERE.

To view a short photo essay on South Mountain, click HERE.

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After suffering a terrible defeat after the Second Battle of Bull Run, US Major General John Pope pulled his Army of Virginia back towards Centreville. His army was spread out to protect the approaches to Washington City, where the majority of US Major General George B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac was garrisoned. Lee wanted to inflict more damage on the Union army before they had a chance to join up with McClellan. He devised a flanking movement that would send CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s Left Army Wing around Pope’s right flank. They would be preceded by Major General J.E.B. Stuart’s Cavalry Division which would scout the approach and provide warning to Jackson of the enemy’s dispositions. Meanwhile, US Army General-in-Chief Henry W. Halleck had ordered Pope to attack Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. Unfortunately for Pope, Lee attacked first.

By 3:00 p.m., Jackson had reached Ox Hill near the junction of the Warrenton Turnpike and Little River Turnpike. US Brigadier General Issac I. Stevens’ IX Corps Division was situated east of the hill. Severely outnumbered, Stevens decided to attack before the III Corps Division of Major General Philip Kearny, Jr. was on the battlefield. While initially successful, Stevens’ attack, during a driving rainstorm, was doomed. The topography was not in his favor – nor was his battle strength. Marching uphill, he ran directly into the center of the Confederate line and the division of CSA Brigadier General Alexander Lawton. Stevens led from the front and would be killed by a bullet wound to his head. It was 5:00 p.m.

Federal reinforcements were at hand, with the arrival of General Phil Kearny’s III Corps Division. Arriving about the time of Stevens’ death, he deployed Brigadier General David B. Birney’s brigade on the left of Stevens’ demoralized troops. Running headlong into CSA Major General A.P. Hill’s Division, the fighting devolved into a hand-to-hand struggle. Kearny would accidently ride into the Confederate lines and would also be killed. With the arrival of the remainder of the Kearny’s brigades, Birney pulled back and the fighting ended.

While a small battle compared to Second Bull Run, it was still costly. Federal losses were 1,300 combined casualties of all types, including the deaths of Stevens and Kearny. Confederate losses were 800 combined casualties of all types. During the overnight hours the Union forces would pull back to the area of Fairfax Court House and combine with McClellan’s forces. Lee, concerned that he could not successively attack the forces at Washington City, decided the the time for bold action was at hand. On September 4, 1862 he would cross the Potomac River into Maryland. New battlefields awaited him which would be covered with the blood of both armies.

To see my photo essay on the Chantilly Battlefield click HERE.

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As McDowell marched his army of nearly 35,000 men from Washington City on July 16, 1861, CSA Brigadier General Pierre Gustave Toutant (P.G.T.) Beauregard was aware of the tenuous situation facing his Army of the Potomac. With roughly 22,000 troops, Beauregard was concerned that he would be overrun by the larger Federal army before reinforcements could arrive from the Shenandoah Valley. McDowell’s tactical plan was to march his army in three columns towards Bull Run Creek and place the largest portion south of the Confederate right flank – effectively severing the Confederate supply line with Richmond and forcing the Confederate general to move his army south of the Rappahannock River – the next defensible line available to him. This would serve to provide some relief for the beleaguered national capital and demonstrate the power of the Federal forces Lincoln had assembled to “save the Union.”

On July 18, in an effort to put his plan in motion, McDowell ordered Brigadier Daniel Tyler to initiate a flanking movement against the southern flank of Beauregard’s forces. This would result in what would best be described as a skirmish at Blackburn’s Ford. Tyler would retreat after his division was beaten back by Confederate forces under the command of CSA Brigadier General James Longstreet. While total losses would be less than 200, McDowell was forced to change his battle plan.

On July 21, McDowell put his new plans in motion. Orders were drafted for Tyler’s Division to make a demonstration at the Stone Bridge, along the Warrenton Turnpike, while two other divisions, commanded by brigadier generals David Hunter and Samuel Heintzelman, would utilize Sudley Springs Ford to turn the left flank of the Confederate line. The battle would begin at approximately 5:15 a.m. with artillery rounds being fired from Tyler’s Division into the Confederate forces guarding the Stone Bridge. The Rebel field commander, Colonel Nathan “Shanks” Evans, quickly realized the bombardment was a feint and sent the majority of his command west to protect against a movement from the north. By 11:30 a.m., Evans new position, near Matthews Hill, was hard pressed by Federal forces. Pulling back from the Warrenton Turnpike, he would return to the main Confederate line near the Henry House. McDowell believed victory was within his grasp with his forces closing in around the small hill dominated by the Henry residence. Unfortunately, the momentum of the battle changed drastically with the arrival of CSA Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston’s Army of the Shenandoah.

Johnston had been tasked with preventing a large scale incursion of the Shenandoah Valley by forces under the command of US Major General Robert Patterson. Patterson had received a similar directive in anticipation of McDowell’s advance on Manassas Junction: keep Johnston’s forces engaged in the Shenandoah Valley to prevent a move to reinforce Beauregard. In this Patterson failed miserably. Johnston was able to quickly mobilize his army and arrived at Manassas Junction late on the morning of July 21. This quick deployment was made possible by the first successful military use of a railroad. Thus, when Confederate fortunes appeared bleak near Henry House Hill, the tide turned.

Recently promoted and little known Brigadier General Thomas J. Jackson would arrive at Henry House Hill around noon. With the vastly overwhelmed Confederate line now disintegrating, the timing could not have been better. Jackson quickly conferred with Brigadier General Barnard Bee, who would soon be killed in action, and was advised, “The enemy are driving us.” To this Jackson responded, “Then, Sir, we will give them the bayonet.”(iii) Jackson’s brigade quickly entered the confused fray, surprising the Federal forces and quickly changing the complexion of the battle. By 4:00 p.m., repeated Confederate assaults along the Henry House Hill line would force the retreat of the Union line. Realizing the fight had turned against him, and unable to organize his fear stricken army, McDowell ordered a general retreat across Bull Run Creek. Thus ended the First Battle of Bull Run which would repeat itself fourteen months later when another Federal force, the Army of Virginia, would retreat pellmell all the way back to the defenses of Washington City.

With news of the battle reaching the general population, moods changed. The combined losses at Manassas were staggering: nearly 5,000 killed, wounded, missing and captured. No longer was it believed that the war would be over quickly. Patriotic fervor would quickly swell the ranks of armies north and south, east and west. Across the south people rejoiced in the streets while its commanders, Beauregard, Johnston and Jackson were extolled as heroes. And while the Confederate victory was not solely the result of the actions of Thomas Jackson, he would earn the sobriquet, Stonewall – a moniker that would become synonymous with him – even today. Meanwhile in the north a quiet determination took hold. Quickly, a new army leader would emerge: Major General George B. McClellan. While he brought order to the somber, defeated ranks a new mantra would appear in the press and be voiced by northerners, “On to Richmond.” Little did the populace know, nor could they in their worst dreams imagine, the toll the war would take over the coming three years: 620,000 dead Americans and many more disfigured and forever scarred. July 1861 would forever herald the start of a new phase in the story of America – a story that still defines us today – a story of death, anguish and brothers fighting brothers – but most importantly a new birth of freedom.

While I could not attend today’s sesquicentennial activities at Manassas National Battlefield Park, my heart will never forget the last and final sacrifice which our patriots made on the bloody fields near Henry House Hill.

For a more in depth narrative of the First Battle of Bull Run click HERE.

To view my collection of photos of Manassas National Battlefield click HERE.

(i) Gipson, Lawrence H., Third Millennium Library paper, “The Collapse of the Confederacy.” To read this paper, click HERE.
(ii) McPherson, James M., Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, published by Oxford University Press on November 6, 2003, Pg. 336.
(iii) Robertson, James I, Jr., Stonewall Jackson: The Man, The Soldier, The Legend, published by MacMillan Publishing in 1997, Pg. 264.

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Mike’s Photo Essay: Washington DC – A city of monuments

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Ezra Ayers Carman, U.S. Colonel

Birth Date: February 27, 1834
Birth Place: Oak Tree, Middlesex County, New Jersey

Date of Death: December 25, 1909
Location of Death: Washington City, District of Columbia

Education: Kentucky Military Institute and University of Nashville

Military Experience: Civil War

Major Battles: Williamsburg (May 5, 1862), Antietam (September 17, 1862), Chancellorsville (April 30 – May 6, 1863), Gettysburg (July 1 – 3, 1863), Atlanta Campaign (May – September, 1864), Sherman’s March to the Sea (November 2 – December 13, 1864)

Awards/Medals/Promotions: colonel (July 8, 1862), brevet brigadier general (March 13, 1865)

Biography:

Ezra Ayers Carman was born on February 27, 1834 at Oak Tree, New Jersey. He was the eldest son of Nelanchton Freeman Carman and Anna Marie nee Ayers. After receiving his early education in Middlesex County, New Jersey, Carman clerked at the United States Post Office and Farmers Bank, both in Rahway, New Jersey. In September 1853, 19 year old Ezra entered the Kentucky Military Institute as a cadet. On June 7, 1855, he received an A.B. degree, at what would be later known as the University of Nashville. He delivered the class valedictorian address. After his graduation he would become an assistant professor of mathematics and would chair the department until 1856. He earned his A.M. degree from the university in 1858. Leaving Nashville, after his graduation, Carman would return to New Jersey and work as a bookkeeper at T.P. Howell’s – a manufacturer of leather goods.(i)

With the outbreak of sectional hostilities, Carman was gripped, as many of his northern compatriots, with patriotic fervor. He traveled to Washington City and was present, as a civilian, at the First Battle of Bull Run. Returning to New Jersey, Carman would be appointed lieutenant colonel of the 7th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry on September 19, 1861 – two weeks after being mustered into Federal service.(ii) They would be immediately ordered to Washington City where they would remain until the start of US Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign.

Carman departed Washington between April 5 and 8 aboard the steamers transporting the Army of the Potomac to Fortress Monroe, near Hampton, Virginia. He would see his first action at the Siege of Yorktown and would be wounded on May 5, 1862 at the Battle of Williamsburg. The serious wound to his right arm would require him to return to New Jersey to recuperate. While at home, he would be appointed colonel of the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry on July 8, 1862. His new regiment would be mustered into Federal service on August 25.(iii)

The 13th New Jersey Volunteers would depart New Jersey on August 31, 1862 and would proceed to Washington City. The regiment was assigned to Camp Richardson, at Arlington Heights, Virginia, but their stay would be quite short. With the defeat of US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia, at the Second Battle of Bull Run, the Army of Potomac would quickly be put in motion to protect Washington City from CSA General Robert E. Lee’s developing invasion of Maryland. Leaving Camp Richardson on September 2, the 13th New Jersey would arrive in the vicinity of Rockville, Maryland by September 9. Once in Maryland, Carman’s regiment was assigned to Brigadier General George H. Gordon’s third brigade, of Brigadier General Alpheus S. Williams’ First Division of Major General Joseph K.F. Mansfield’s XII Corps. While not engaged in the battles of South Mountain, the XII Corps would arrive near Sharpsburg, Maryland on September 16. Arrayed on the east bank of the creek, the Army of the Potomac could clearly see Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia lining the heights on the opposite side. This tactical arrangement set the stage for the sanguinary Battle of Antietam on September 17.

During the evening and overnight hours, the Army of the Potomac commander, George B. McClellan, prepared for his army to attack Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia by sending Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps across Antietam Creek via the Upper Bridge. His tactical plan was to use the I Corps to attack Lee’s left flank, commanded by CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson. Mansfield’s XII Corps and Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps would be situated nearby to offer support where necessary. While this attack was taking place, Major General Ambrose E. Burnside’s IX Corps, reinforced with Brigadier General Jacob D. Cox’s Kanawha Division, would attack the Confederate right flank positioned on the heights above Rorhbach Bridge. In theory, McClellan’s battle plan was designed to prevent Lee from sending reinforcements from one flank to the other of his much smaller army. The V and VI corps, commanded respectively by major generals Fitz John Porter and William B. Franklin, would be held in reserve. While sound, McClellan’s plan would require proper timing and coordination between his separated flanks. The rolling hills above Antietam Creek would make this difficult even in ideal conditions.

By the time the sun was rising on September 17, over their left shoulders, the soldiers in Hooker’s I Corps were assembling near the North Woods. They pushed off quickly to attack the left flank of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. Pushing through a corn field, the soldiers quickly got caught in a nasty duel. Facing them were a division of veterans commanded by Brigadier General John Bell Hood. Additionally, Stonewall Jackson’s leftwing was positioned near the Dunker Church and West Woods. Jackson’s old division, commanded by Brigadier General John R. Jones, added to the misery by enfilading the soldiers as they pushed south. The Federal soldiers were literally mowed down as they pushed towards the Rebels. By 9:45 a.m., Mansfield’s XII Corps were ordered from their position, near the East Woods, to support Hooker’s attack and Sumner’s II Corps which was hotly engaged near the Dunker Church. In his first battle as a line officer, Carman would lead his 13th New Jersey Volunteers due west, towards the corn field. His raw regiment would push past the corn field, many witnessing the carnage of battle for the first time, and across the Hagerstown Turnpike. Carman described the situation, “For the first time in their soldier experience the men loaded their muskets.” They would quickly come under a heavy musketry from Confederate troops across the pike which were sheltered by limestone outcroppings in the West Woods. “The men were being shot by a foe they could not see, so perfectly did the ledge protect them.”(iv) Making matters worse, Carman’s inexperienced regiment would soon be caught in a withering fire from their south, as CSA Colonel Matthew W. Ransom’s 49th North Carolina Infantry poured a blistering salvo of musketry into their left flank. Being more than they could handle, the men of the 13th New Jersey quickly retreated across the Hagerstown Turnpike and to the protection of the East Woods.(v) They were not alone as Hooker’s I Corps was out of the fight and Sumner’s II Corps had been pushed back towards the Mumma Farm from their advanced position near the Dunker Church. Additionally, the XII Corps had been decapitated earlier in the fight when Mansfield was mortally wounded while organizing his corps near in the East Woods. This left Brigadier General Alpheus S. Williams in command of the corps during the most critical stage of the fight for the West Woods. Needless to say, the Confederate hold on the northern part of the Antietam battlefield was secure. Over the next several hours the Battle of Antietam would continue to unfold in other sectors: the Sunken Road, Burnside (Rohrbach) Bridge and along Branch Avenue – all to the south. At the end of the day’s fight, the bloodiest single day in American history, the two opposing armies held roughly the same positions they started in. The battle would be considered a tactical victory for McClellan’s Army of the Potomac as Lee would end up retreating into Virginia. How did Carman and his 13th New Jersey Volunteers perform? Probably as well as could be expected for the largely untested soldiers who received concentrated fire from an unseen enemy and a blistering fire to their left flank. While they did retreat pell-mell to the East Woods, they were certainly not alone. Carman, while wounded at Antietam, would remain in command of his regiment.(vi)

Due to his wounding at the Battle of Antietam, Colonel Carman would not command his regiment during the Battle of Fredericksburg. He would however command his New Jersey troops at the Battle of Chancellorsville. On May 1, 1863, the 13th New Jersey Volunteers would be assigned to Brigadier General Thomas Ruger’s Third Brigade of Williams’ First Division of the XII Corps – now commanded by Major General Henry Slocum. During the opening of the battle, Carman’s regiment would be posted along the Orange Plank Road and would be engaged against CSA Major General Richard Anderson’s Division of Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s 1st Corps. They would suffer heavy losses. At the close of the day’s fight, Carman and the rest of the XII Corps would be positioned near Hazel Grove. Hooker would eventually consolidate his army, near the Chancellor Tavern. He would remain in a defensive position through the day on May 3 while repulsing several attacks from the Confederate 2d Corps, which was commanded by Major General J.E.B. Stuart, after the mortal wounding of Jackson. Later on May 3, in an effort to protect his retreat route across the Rappahannock River, Hooker would further consolidate his army posting the XII Corps on his far left flank along the river. After four days of fighting, in which the 13th New Jersey Volunteers suffered 141 casualties (vii), Hooker would retreat north of the Rappahannock bringing the Battle of Chancellorsville to disastrous close for the United States. Always in the thick of the fight, Carman would again be wounded.(viii)

After Chancellorsville, Carman would lead his regiment in pursuit of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, after the latter invaded the north, culminating in the Battle of Gettysburg. Slocum’s XII Corps would arrive during the evening hours of July 1 and would be positioned at the far right flank of the Army of the Potomac, on Culp’s Hill. On the second day of the battle Carman’s soldiers would witness significant action, while not being directly engaged. Most of the fighting would take place on opposite flanks as Brigadier General George S. Greene’s XII Corps’ brigade repulsed an attack by CSA Major General Edward Johnson’s 2d Corps’ Division to their right and Brigadier General Francis C. Barlow’s XI Corps’ division fended off attacks from CSA Major General Jubal A. Early’s 2d Corps’ division to their left. All the while, they would be forced to maintain a tense state of readiness awaiting an assault on their section of the line. There chance would arrive the next morning when Johnson’s Division again attacked Culp’s Hill during the mid-morning hours. This three brigade assault was directly against the Federal works on Culp’s Hill and would leave nearly 3,100 casualties strewn over the slopes of the hill. While not incurring the casualties which other areas of the XII Corps’ lines did, Carman’s 13th New Jersey Volunteers would suffer 21 losses of the nearly 350 officers and enlisted men which arrived at Gettysburg.(ix) The often referenced “high water mark” of the Confederacy would be achieved during the afternoon fight at Cemetery Ridge when Robert E. Lee sent three divisions of infantry to attack US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps on Cemetery Ridge. The assault, commanded by CSA Major General George E. Pickett, was disastrous and would result in Lee’s retreat back to Virginia.

After Gettysburg, Carman would continue to command the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry. He would be sent to New York to quell the Draft Riots during mid-July 1863, commanding a brigade that included the 13th New Jersey, 107th New York and 150th New York. Carman would be sent west, with the rest of the XII Corps, in October 1863. His New Jersey regiment would be attached to the Second Brigade, First Division of the XX Corps and would see action during the Atlanta Campaign. He would receive high praise for commanding his regiment during several significant battles: Resaca, Cassville, Dallas, New Hope Church, and Kolb’s Farm – all during 1864.(x) At the conclusion of Sherman’s March to the Sea, when the XX Corps was in front of Savannah, Georgia, Carman would again command a brigade, this time on the left flank of the army. With CSA Major General Joseph Wheeler’s cavalry between him and Savannah, at Izard’s Mill, Carman decided not to press an attack. Unfortunately, the Confederate forces, commanded by Lieutenant General William J. Hardee, were able to escape from Savannah without being captured. While not being censured for failing to attack the Confederate flank, Carman was sent to Nashville, Tennessee on “special duty.” He would receive brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865 and was mustered out of Federal service on June 8, 1865 at Washington City.

After the Civil War, Carman would remain active in civil service, serving as a clerk of the United States Department of Agriculture from 1877 – 1885, historical expert at the Antietam National Battlefield and superintendent of the Chickamauga-Chattanooga National Military Park. By far, Carman’s most significant contribution to students of the American Civil War was his narrative of the Maryland Campaign. His study of the battles of South Mountain and Antietam, while at times mixed with commentary, provides the basis for nearly every study of these battles ever written. His knowledge of the Maryland battlefields, understanding of the troop placements and dozens of post-war interviews make his manuscripts essential for anyone studying the Maryland Campaign of 1862. Carman was twice married and had six children. He died on December 25, 1909 at Washington, D.C. from pneumonia and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.

Thomas G. Clemens recently released his first book based exclusively on Carman’s manuscripts, “The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I: South Mountain.” Clemens’ editing brings Carman to life and will inevitably place you amongst the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry during the Maryland Campaign. I recently had the opportunity to discuss his book with him. Clemens’ knowledge of the Maryland Campaign is compelling and his stories about Colonel Carman are quite interesting. Click HERE to listen to my interview.

i. Ezra Ayers Carman’s biography at The New Jersey Historical Society #176
ii. See the 7th New Jersey Infantry regimental history at the Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System
iii. See the 13th New Jersey Infantry regimental history at the Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System
iv. Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 230.
v. Ibid, Pgs. 248-249.
vi. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 384.
vii. Sears, Stephen W., Chancellorsville, published by Houghton Mifflin in 1996, Pg. 489, Appendix II.
viii. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 384.
ix. Trudeau, Noah Andre, Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by HarperCollins in 2002, Pg. 578.
x. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 385.

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Alexander S. Webb, U.S. Brigadier General

Birth Date: February 15, 1835
Birth Place: New York City, New York

Date of Death: February 12, 1911
Location of Death: Bronx, New York

Education: U.S. Military Academy at West Point – Class of 1855

Military Experience: Seminole War, Civil War

Awards/Medals/Promotions: brevet second lieutenant (July 1, 1855), second lieutenant (October 20, 1855), first lieutenant (April 28, 1861), captain (May 14, 1861), major (September 13, 1861), lieutenant colonel (August 20, 1862), brigadier general (June 23, 1863), brevet major general volunteers (August 4, 1864), brevet brigadier general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), brevet major general Regular Army (March 13, 1865), Medal of Honor (September 28, 1891)

Biography:

Alexander Stewart Webb was born in New York City, New York on February 15, 1835 to James W. Webb and Helen Bache Webb, nee Lispenard.(i) His father was a well respected newspaper owner and provided a comfortable living for his family. Young Alexander was able to attend private schools. He was appointed to West Point in 1851, graduating 13th in his class.(ii) After graduating he would be appointed brevet second lieutenant of artillery. He would see action in the Seminole War in 1856. From 1856-1857 he would serve garrison duty at Fort Independence, Massachusetts and Fort Snelling, Minnesota. He would return to West Point as an assistant professor of mathematics in November 1857 – a position he retained until January 1861.

After resigning his position at West Point, Webb would be transferred to Washington City where he served in garrison duty until April 4, 1861. He would be sent to Fort Pickens, Florida in early April and was promoted first lieutenant on April 28, serving in the 2d U.S. Artillery. On July 3, 1861 he was ordered to join Brigadier General Irvin McDowell’s Army of Northeastern Virginia (this was before the Federal Army was officially designated the Army of the Potomac). While there, he would be promoted captain in the 11th U.S. Infantry on May 14 and would be present at the First Battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861.(iii)

With the retreat of the Federal Army to Washington City, after its defeat at Bull Run, Webb would serve as assistant to Brigadier General William F. Barry, chief of artillery of the Army of the Potomac. He would be promoted major of the 1st Rhode Island Artillery Volunteers on September 14, 1861 and would serve in the defenses of Washington until April 1, 1862.(iv) With the start of Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, Webb would be sent with the Army of the Potomac to Fortress Monroe. He would see action at the Siege of Yorktown (April 5 – May 4), Mechanicsville (May 27) and Gaines’ Mill (June 27). During this time he served as Assistant Inspector General for Barry. He would be promoted lieutenant colonel of volunteers on August 20 and would serve as chief of staff in Brigadier General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps during the Maryland Campaign.

After the Battle of Antietam, Webb would be assigned to Washington to serve in the camp of instruction as Inspector of Artillery. He would remain at Camp Barry through January 1863 when he transferred back to the Army of the Potomac as Assistant Inspector General of Major General George G. Meade’s V Corps. He would see action at the Battle of Chancellorsville.

On June 23, 1863, Webb would be promoted brigadier general of volunteers and would be transferred to Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps.(v) He would command the Second Brigade (Philadelphia Brigade) in Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Second Division. In late June, the Army of the Potomac would march north to Pennsylvania and would become engaged in the largest battle on North American soil – Gettysburg. The II Corps would reach Gettysburg on the evening of July 1 and would be positioned in the center of the Union line along Cemetery Ridge. Webb’s brigade would be positioned near the center of the II Corps line and would not be part of the reinforcements Hancock sent to the Wheat Field and Peach Orchard to counter CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s attack against Major General Daniel E. Sickles’ III Corps. However, they would be engaged against CSA Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright’s late afternoon attack against their position. Webb’s brigade would push them back, beyond the Emmittsburg Road, capturing 300 Rebel prisoners and reclaiming a Federal artillery battery. During the evening hours, on July 2, he would detach two regiments to reinforce the I and XI corps on Cemetery Hill.

On the afternoon of July 3, Webb’s Philadelphia Brigade was holding the center of the II Corps line along Cemetery Ridge. They would eat a fairly quiet lunch with only the occasional artillery shell passing overhead. Webb was certainly unaware that his position would be the focal point for CSA General Robert E. Lee’s assault – an assault Lee hoped would break the Federal line and allow his Army of Northern Virginia to roll up the lines of the Army of the Potomac. Their position formed a salient angle with Colonel Norman J. Hall’s brigade to their left and Colonel Thomas A. Smyth’s brigade to their right. Smyth’s brigade was pulled back a couple hundred feet with the II Corps line extending north from their position. This formation created the salient angle with Webb’s brigade holding that angle. The 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry regiment comprised the brigade’s first line. They covered approximately 250 feet of the stone fence. The 71st and 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers supported the 69th, forming a second line approximately 50 yards to the rear of the first line.(vi) Two companies of Webb’s remaining regiment, the 106th Pennsylvania Volunteers, were posted further to the rear, supporting the skirmish line to their front (the other eight companies of the 106th were still detached on Cemetery Hill). Two guns of Lieutenant Alonzo H. Cushing’s Battery A, 4th U.S. Artillery were placed between the 69th and 71st (Cushing is included in my Soldier Profiles series – click HERE to read the article.)

At 1:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered Colonel E. Porter Alexander to open what would be the largest artillery bombardment of the Civil War. This barrage was intended to soften the Federal lines and damage as many Union artillery placements as possible. The artillery bombardment would also signal Major General George E. Pickett to prepare for his attack against the Federal army on Cemetery Ridge. While creating a significant amount of noise, and visually captivating sights, Alexander’s artillery was not effective in softening the Union lines. Brigadier General John Gibbon noted that many of the Rebel shells were not detonating or were detonating late, their range being too long and landing on the reverse slope of the Federal line, near Taneytown Road.(vii)

By 2:00 p.m., fire from E. Porter Alexander’s reserve artillery began to wane. Over the next thirty minutes Pickett would prepare his lines and step off, encouraging his men, “Don’t forget today that you are from Old Virginia!,” and exhorting them to stand to the work.”(viii) Lieutenant Frank Haskell, an aide on the staff of Gibbon, captured the moment succinctly, “None on that crest now need be told that the enemy is advancing. Every eye could see his legions, an overwhelming, resistless tide of an ocean of armed men, sweeping upon us! Right on they move, as with one soul, in perfect order, without impediment or ditch, or wall, or stream, over ridge and slope, through orchard, and meadow, and cornfield, magnificent, grim, irresistible.” Now scanning his own lines, Haskell continued, “All was orderly and still upon our crest – no noise, and no confusion.” The II Corps men were “survivors of a dozen battles,” and “…knew well enough what this array in front portended…”(ix) The mass of Rebels pushed forward deliberately, as if on the parade ground. While Haskell accurately described the advance, he was not fully correct. There was a significant impediment that stood between Pickett’s infantrymen and the Federal line – a long, well built fence along the Emmittsburg Road. By the time the Rebel soldiers reached this point they were taking heavy losses from the Federal infantry on Cemetery Ridge. Well within range of the very lethal spherical case and canister, the large guns would tear large gaps in the Confederate formations. These gaps would immediately be closed by the next line, stepping forward into the teeth of the Federal artillery. Due to this heavy cannonading from Cemetery Ridge, the attacking Rebels did not have time to tear down the fence that impeded their advance. Instead they have to rapidly scale the fence and start forward from the opposite side.

Meanwhile, Webb was encouraging his brigade. He implored his men to do as well today, as they had done the previous day when they captured portions of Wright’s Brigade. While his infantrymen were well positioned along the “angle,” he was concerned that Cushing’s only pair of working guns would not provide his infantry with the support they required. Having advised the seriously wounded Cushing that he expected the enemy to push directly on their position, Cushing replied, “I had better run my guns right up to the stone fence and bring all my canister alongside each piece.” Webb concurred with Cushing’s assessment and it may well have saved the day as Cushing’s artillerymen were U.S. Regular Army veterans.(x) With Cushing’s pair of 3” rifled Parrott guns now at the stone wall, Webb wisely ordered eight companies of his 71st Pennsylvania to the right of the artillery, positioning them to cover the wall until it made its jog to the east where it joined up with Smyth’s brigade.

It was when Pickett’s Confederate Division slammed into Webb’s 1,000 men, at the stone fence, that Webb provided his most valuable service to his country. Having been sent forward moments before, the 71st Pennsylvania’s commander, Colonel Richard Smith, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Charles Kochersperger to command the eight companies assigned to the “angle.” While he conveniently stayed behind with his other two companies, he advised Kochersperger to withdraw should the enemy come too close. This order, while at odds with the Federal army’s need to hold their position, would cause a 50 yard gap to open in the Federal line at the very point where Pickett’s division would attack. Once again, Haskell eloquently describes the unfolding situation, “Great Heaven! There by the group of trees, and the angles of the wall, was breaking from the cover of their works, and without orders or reason, with no hand lifted to check them, was falling back a fear-stricken flock of confusion.”(xi) This fear-stricken flock was the eight companies of the 71st Pennsylvania sent to the “angle.” Kochersperger quite obviously had taken Smith’s orders to heart and ordered his men to fall back just as Pickett’s division was pushing toward them. This gap allowed CSA Brigadier General Lewis Armistead, and a small band of his Rebel soldiers, to pierce the Federal line near Cushing’s two guns. With Cushing already killed the Federal artillerists quickly bolted to the rear. Armistead’s men quickly gathered around the two guns but were unable to use them as they were caught in an effective “no-man’s land.”

Webb, caught in a terrible position, had to plug the gap which the 71st Pennsylvania’s retreat had opened. His second line, manned by the 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers, was some 70 yards behind the “angle.” He quickly ordered the 72d forward, but they failed to move. Next he tried to take the National colors away from their color bearer. He would not let go. While the 72d stayed put, their colorfully clothed Zouave infantrymen opened a galling rifle fire into the position vacated by the 71st. This fire was most likely responsible for mortally wounding Armistead as he struggled with his small command around Cushing’s guns. Webb was everywhere at once. When the 72d did not move, he quickly moved forward to lead the men of the 69th as they battled at the wall. Arriving there he most certainly was struck with the carnage from the fight that had turned from a rifle battle into hand-to-hand combat. Webb would receive a superficial wound to his leg while at the wall. Colonel Dennis O’Kane of the 69 th Pennsylvania would be mortally wounded. On the other side of the wall, CSA Brigadier General Richard Garnett was killed instantly by a bullet to the head. Miraculously, the Federal line held. While holding their position is a testament to the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteers élan, they were not alone in the fight. Timely reinforcements from Norman Hall’s brigade also helped Webb hold the “angle.” Additionally, the Rebel command structure had taken a beating with two brigadier generals out of the fight in Pickett’s division alone. The charge was doomed and the Confederate infantry retreated across the fields towards Seminary Ridge. Colonel Charles Wainwright, commander of the Union I Corps artillery was told by Webb, “…that when the enemy reached the wall all his lines began to shake, and for a moment he thought they were gone; but most of the rebs stopped at the wall…. That halt at the wall was the ruin of the enemy, as such halts almost always are; yet so natural is it for men to seek cover that it is almost impossible to get them to pass it under such circumstances.”(xii) Certainly, the outcome of the Battle of Gettysburg may have been much different had Webb’s brigade not held its position at the “angle.” Webb was brave under fire and encouraged his men to fight like the veterans they were. Without a doubt he was upset with the cowardly performance of his 71st Pennsylvania. Writing his wife after the battle, Webb stated, “When my men fell back I almost wished to be killed, I was almost disgraced.”(xiii)

Webb would receive brevet promotion to major of U.S. Regular Army for his actions at Gettysburg. He would command Gibbon’s division of the II Corps during the Rapidan Campaign and at Bristoe Station on October 14, 1863. Upon Gibbon’s return to command, Webb would return to brigade command during the Overland Campaign. He would see action at the battles of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. While leading his brigade during the II Corps attack on the Mule Shoe salient, on May 12, 1864, Webb would receive a serious head wound. This wound would remove him from field command until January 11, 1865 when he would return as Chief of Staff to Major General George Gordon Meade, commander of the Army of the Potomac. He would receive brevet promotion to major general volunteers on August 1, 1864 for his gallant actions at Gettysburg, Bristoe Station, the Wilderness and Spotsylvania Court House. He would remain Chief of Staff for the Army of the Potomac through the conclusion of the Civil War. On March 13, 1865, Webb received brevet promotion to brigadier general and major general U.S. Regular Army. After the Civil War, he would remain in the U.S. Army and would reach the rank of lieutenant colonel. He served in both the 44th and 5th U.S. Infantry. Prior to retiring in 1870, he would also serve as assistant professor of geography, history and ethics at West Point.(xiv)

Webb and his wife, Anna Elizabeth nee Remsen, had eight children together. They married on November 28, 1855. After retiring from the U.S. Army, Webb returned to New York City and became president of the City College of New York, a position he would hold for 32 years. On September 28, 1891, General Webb received the highest military honor the United States awards – the Medal of Honor – for his brave leadership at the Battle of Gettysburg. The official citation reads, “Distinguished personal gallantry in leading his men forward at a critical period in the contest.”(xv) Webb died on February 12, 1911 at Bronx, New York. He was 75 years old. He is a true American HERO.

i.See Alexander Stewart Webb at ancestry.com (http://trees.ancestry.com/tree/18374139/person/650870239)
ii. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 401.
iii. Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, published by Louisiana State University Press in 1999, Pg. 545.
iv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
v. Ibid.
vi. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pgs. 495-496.
vii. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pgs. 396-397.
viii. Trudeau, Noah A., Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pg. 476.
ix. Sears, Stephen W., Gettysburg, published by Houghton Mifflin Company in 2003, Pg. 409.
x. Ibid, Pg. 436.
xi. Ibid, Pg. 445.
xii. Ibid, Pg. 452.
xiii. Ibid, Pg. 450.
xiv. Cullum, George W., Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., Vol. II, published by D. Van Nostrand in 1868, Pg. 402.
xv. Proft, R.J. (Bob), editor, United States of America’s Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients and Their Official Citations, published by Highland House II, Inc. in 2006, Pg. 1,037.

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Click HERE to view my photo essay on Riverview Cemetery.

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Massachusetts would send nearly 160,000 soldiers and sailors to fight in the war. She would also send many general officers including Joseph Hooker, Edwin V. Sumner, Nathaniel P. Banks and Darius Couch. I started in Boston with a visit to Joe Hooker’s monument at the state house. The monument is massive and sits at one of the entrances to the capitol building.

Directly across the street from Hooker’s equestrian monument is the Robert Gould Shaw monument. As I’m sure you’re aware, Shaw originally served in the 7th New York Infantry where he marched to the defense of Washington City in April 1861. After its 30 day enlistment period ended, Shaw would be appointed second lieutenant in the 2d Massachusetts Infantry and see action at Winchester, Cedar Mountain and Antietam. After the bloody battle along Antietam Creek, Shaw would be approached by his father and offered command in a new all black regiment – the 54th Massachusetts. He would serve as major and colonel of this regiment, paying the ultimate price with his life, while leading his black troops to the parapet of Fort Wagner. He died on July 18, 1863.(i)

From Boston, I headed to Waltham and Brookline where I stopped and visited Nathaniel Prentiss Banks, Erastus Blakeslee and one of my favorites: Francis Channing Barlow.

Major General Banks, a political general that served as governor of Massachusetts and Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, had less than impressive results in the U.S. Army. He would be defeated by CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson during the 1862 Shenandoah Valley Campaign and at Cedar Mountain. He would be transferred to command the Department of the Gulf, based in New Orleans. From there, he would command the Siege of Port Hudson and the failed Red River Campaign. Fortunately, for Banks, he now rests in peace at Grove Hill Cemetery in Waltham.

Brevet Brigadier General Erastus Blakeslee would enlist in the 1st Battalion Connecticut Cavalry on October 9, 1861. He would receive quick promotions to second lieutenant and captain of Company A – all in little more than five months. As Eric Wittenberg told his blog readers in August 2009, the 1st Connecticut was not a very well known unit. It would see action in Western Virginia before it was sent to Baltimore, Maryland during the winter of 1862-1863. While it did not take part in the Gettysburg Campaign, it would continue to see action around Harper’s Ferry, where it was stationed from July 1863 through January 1864. Blakeslee would be promoted major in July 1863 and would take command of the battalion. He would be promoted lieutenant colonel on May 21, 1864 and colonel less than a week later. His case was rather remarkable, with his rise from private to colonel in 2 1/2 years. He would be wounded during the Battle of Ashland on June 1, 1864, returning in time to fight in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign. He would officially muster out of Federal service on October 26, 1864 when his term of service expired. He received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers for his exemplary service leading his troops at Ashland. His men held him in very high regard with one saying, “The General is the idol of his old regiment.”(ii)

Major General Francis C. Barlow’s story is amazing. Barlow enlisted as a private soldier in the 12th New York Militia in April 1861. He would be promoted to first lieutenant within one month. After serving his 90 day enlistment he quickly was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 61st New York in November 1861. He would be promoted full colonel of the regiment during the Peninsula Campaign. He would command a brigade in the First Division of Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps during the Battle of Antietam. He would receive praise from division commander, Brigadier General John Caldwell, for his actions along the Sunken “Bloody Lane” – where he was injured. He would be promoted to brigadier general of volunteers on September 19, two days after the battle. He would continue in division command during the remainder of the war seeing action at Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Cold Harbor and Petersburg. He would take sick leave in 1865, but would return to the Army of the Potomac in time to take part in the Appomattox Campaign. He received promotion to major general of volunteers on May 25, 1865. Barlow is indeed a unique soldier being promoted from private to major general during the course of the war – without a military education.(iii)

My next stop was the Worcester Rural Cemetery and North Cemetery in Oxford. While in Worcester, I stopped for a visit with colonels Samuel H. Leonard, George H. Ward and William S. Lincoln. At Oxford I paid my respects to Clara Barton. Leonard commanded the 13th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry and would see action at the battles of Fredericksburg and Gettysburg. Ward commanded the 15th Massachusetts and would be killed at the Battle of Gettysburg. He received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers posthumously. Lincoln was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 34th Massachusetts and would be wounded and captured during the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign. Upon his exchange he would be promoted colonel and would command the regiment through the end of the war. He would receive brevet promotion to brigadier general. Clara Barton is well known as the “Angel of the Battlefield.” She became somewhat of a celebrity during the Battle of Antietam where she cared for wounded soldiers. She followed the eastern armies from the start of the war, at First Bull Run, through the Petersburg Campaign. After the war she would go to Andersonville Prison to help identify the dead Union soldiers. She would later found the American Red Cross.

My next stop was in Brookfield where I visited the Brookfield Cemetery. There is a nice G.A.R. monument there along with the grave of Major Albert R. Howe. Howe served in the 47th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry regiment. After the war he would move to Mississippi where he would be elected to the U.S. House of Representatives as a “carpetbagger.”

My last stop was the Springfield Cemetery in Springfield, Massachusetts. This historic cemetery is located in the heart of downtown Springfield and is accessed through a small entrance on one of the main streets. The entrance is about a block long and opens into a beautiful well kept cemetery. As I drove in, I must have looked lost, because the manager James Mooney, took me under his wing and guided me to several significant Civil War era graves. These included generals James Barnes and James Ripley. Additionally I got to pay a visit to one of my favorite colonels, Everett Peabody.

Brigadier General James Barnes originally was appointed colonel of the 18th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry regiment. The regiment was sent to Virginia in time to join Major General George B. McClellan during the Peninsula Campaign but would not see action until the Battle of Fredericksburg – where Barnes led a brigade in a hopeless assault against Marye’s Heights. He would receive promotion to brigadier general before the Battle of Chancellorsville where his brigade was not heavily engaged. At Gettysburg, he would be in command of a division in the V Corps. Arriving in time to take part in the second day’s battle, he would lose one brigade (Strong Vincent’s including Joshua Chamberlain’s 20th Massachusetts) to fight at Little Round Top. He would lead his remaining brigades to the Wheatfield where he would receive criticism for pulling them back and not supporting the brigades on his flank during the action there. Barnes would be wounded and would not see action again in the war, commanding garrisons in Maryland and Virginia.(iv)

Brigadier General James W. Ripley is best known for being the superintendent of the Springfield Armory. With the outbreak of the Civil War, Ripley was quickly commissioned brigadier general and placed in charge of armaments and forts on the New England coast. He would receive brevet promotion to major general in 1865.

Colonel Everett Peabody is one of my favorite regimental commanders. A native of Massachusetts, Peabody was trained in civil engineering at Harvard. He would move to Missouri to take a job with a railroad. With the outbreak of hostilities, he would be appointed major of the 13th Missouri Infantry (US). He would be promoted full colonel of the regiment in September 1861. During the Battle of Lexington, Missouri, Peabody would be captured with his entire regiment. After being exchanged, he would recruit a new regiment – the 25th Missouri Infantry (by then another regiment had been designated the 13th). He would be ordered to Pittsburg Landing and would take charge of a brigade in Brigadier General Benjamin Prentiss‘ Sixth Division. On the morning of April 6, 1862, Peabody would take the initiative to send portions of his command to scout what his commanders considered cavalry skirmishing. The recognizance was not approved by his superiors but would be credited with providing the Federal army enough time to prepare for the brutal assault that would mark the start of the Battle of Shiloh. Peabody would organize a defensive line and would be shot three times, while leading his brigade, before a fourth minie ball smashed into his face killing him instantly. For more information on Peabody, and his actions at Shiloh, see my recent blog article, “Colonel Everett Peabody – Unsung Hero of Shiloh.”

To view my complete photo essay on this trip, click HERE.

(i) Robert Gould Shaw at Wikipedia was used to research this article.
(ii) See Eric Wittenberg’s blog article on Erastus Blakeslee for more information.
(iii) Francis Barlow at Wikipedia was used to research this article.
(iv) James Barnes at Wikipedia was used to research this article.

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US Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant orders the 11th Illinois, commanded by Colonel William H.L. Wallace, to depart the area of Charleston, Missouri and reinforce Colonel Richard J. Oglesby operating near the St. Francis River. Additionally, Grant would order Brigadier General Charles F. Smith to depart Paducah, Kentucky and demonstrate towards Columbus, Kentucky, where CSA Major General Leonidas Polk had established a large fort. These actions would lead to the Battle of Belmont on November 7, 1861.

1862 (Wednesday)
US Major General Ambrose E. Burnside takes over command of the Union Army of the Potomac. Major General George McClellan had commanded the army since its inception but would be removed by President Lincoln for failing to keep his army between Richmond, Virginia and CSA General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia.

1864 (Saturday)
Army of the Potomac II Corps forces clash with CSA General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia at Fort Sedgwick, near Petersburg, Virginia. Sixty-five casualties would result from the clash with Confederates suffering disproportionately with 55 of the casualties.(i)

(i) Hannings, Bud, Every Day of the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, was used to research this article.

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