This Mighty Scourge

Happy 2010!  We have much to look forward to in the coming year.  But let us take a quick look at what happened in 2009.  According to Time magazine, the Top 10 ten news stories of 2009 were:

10. The end of Sri Lanka’s Civil War

9. H1N1 – The Swine Flu

8. Mexico’s Bloody Drug War

7. Pakistan: On the Verge of Breakdown

6. The Death of Michael Jackson

5. Massacre at Fort Hood

4. The Divisive Debate Over Healthcare Reform

3. Iran’s Tumultuous Election and Its Aftermath

2. Afghanistan: Can the U.S. Avoid a Quagmire?

1. America’s Economic Crisis

While most news stories, that would make an annual Top 10 list, are going to involve bloodshed, or death, two of last year’s top stories, at Time magazine, did not: “The Divisive Debate Over Healthcare Reform” and “America’s Economic Crisis.”  Obviously these stories will continue to make news headlines over the coming year.

After reading Time Magazine’s Top 10 list of news stories for 2009, I decided to assemble my own list.  The Top 10 most popular articles on This Mighty Scourge for 2009.  While totally unscientific, it certainly points out which articles my readers liked the most.  As I have done in previous lists, I have left out the articles on the Wilderness Wal-Mart, and other “calls to action,” as they always tend to enjoy a huge spike with little follow-up readership after a couple of days.  My top 10 list for 2009 are articles that have enjoyed consistent readership over long periods during the year.  If you haven’t read all of these articles, they are each hyperlinked so you can do so today.

2009 Top 10 List of Articles on This Mighty Scourge

10. Interview with James A. Hessler, author of “Sickles at Gettysburg” (Click HERE to Read)

9. The Battle of the Crater (Click HERE to Read)

8. Interview with Sally Jenkins & John Stauffer co-authors of “The State of Jones.” (Click HERE to Read) This article has been quite controversial and has been picked up by many news outlets due to the ongoing bickering between Stauffer & Jenkins and Vikki Bynum.

7. Gettysburg National Military Park – A Study in Contrasts (Click HERE to Read)

6. Interview with J. David Petruzzi, author of “The Complete Gettysburg Guide” (Click HERE to Read)

5. Antietam – One Bloody Day in September 1862 (Click HERE to Read)

4. Andersonville Prison – A Photo Essay and History (Click HERE to Read)

3. The Fighting 69^th New York Infantry and the Irish Brigade (Click HERE to Read)

2. Interview with Earl J. Hess, author of “In the Trenches at Petersburg” (Click HERE to Read)

1. Interview with Jim Lighthizer, President of the Civil War Preservation Trust (Click HERE to Read)

It should be noted that a few articles had very impressive finishes, reaching the top 10 list over the past couple of weeks.  Obviously articles that were published earlier in the year, had more time to gain readership.  For those of you interested in the articles that round out the top 20, on This Mighty Scourge, continue reading.  It’s interesting to note, that my mid-December article, on the Battle of Fredericksburg, came in at 14.  A very respectable position for only being available for two weeks.

Filling Out the Top 20 at This Mighty Scourge

11. The Battle of Chancellorsville – Joe Hooker’s Legacy (Click HERE to Read)

12. William T. Sherman – US Major General (Click HERE to Read)

13. Second Manassas – Again the Fields Turned Red (Click HERE to Read)

14. Battle of Fredericksburg – Ambrose Burnside’s First Foray (Click HERE to Read)

15. Robert E. Lee, General – CSA (Click HERE to Read)

16. Battle of the Wilderness – Grant Takes it to Lee (Click HERE to Read)

17. Robert E. Lee Surrenders the Army of Northern Virginia (Click HERE to Read)

18. Wilson’s Creek – the Civil War Breaks Out in the West (Click HERE to Read)

19. Interview with Scott L. Mingus, Sr. – Author of “Flames Beyond Gettysburg” (Click HERE to Read)

20. Albert Sidney Johnston – CSA General (Click HERE to Read)

Thank you for making 2009 a successful year at This Mighty Scourge!

Mike Noirot

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Seymour “Hiram” Hall was born in Barkersville, New York on September 26, 1835.  Little is known of Hiram’s early life.  With the outbreak of the Civil War, and Abraham Lincoln’s call for 75,000 state militia volunteers on April 15, 1861, Hiram would begin recruiting soldiers for the 27th New York Infantry.  On May 21, 1861 he would be commissioned second lieutenant of Company G and be mustered into Federal service on June 15, 1861 in Elmira, New York.  On April 25, he would be promoted to captain.  He would lead his company at First Bull Run, the Peninsula Campaign, Seven Days, South Mountain, Antietam and Fredericksburg.  The 27th New York would officially muster out of Federal service on May 31, 1863.  The three year soldiers in the 27th would be assigned to the 16th New York Battalion, commanded by Hall.(i)

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.

The Maryland Campaign has always been one of my favorite campaigns  in the eastern theater.  CSA General Robert E. Lee’s first incursion on northern soil was designed to take advantage of the momentum the Army of Northern Virginia experienced after defeating US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia at Second Manassas.  Lee believing the northern armies were badly demoralized, disorganized and suffering from a broken command structure felt confident of his success.  Additionally Lee, and the Confederate government, believed that a decisive victory on northern soil would impact the fall elections, giving the Peace Democrats more control in the Federal legislature and foreign recognition from France and England.  With the hope of adding new recruits to his battered army, he anticipated adding many loyal Marylanders to his army.  Crossing the Potomac River, in early September, he would remove the combatants from Northern Virginia bringing some relief to the citizens of Virginia and allowing him to feed his army from the fields of Maryland.

John David Hoptak, a National Park Service Ranger at Antietam, brings his terrific knowledge of the Maryland Campaign to his new book, “Our Boys Did Nobly: Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, Soldiers at the Battles of South Mountain and Antietam.”  Hoptak provides a wonderful narrative of the battles of South Mountain and Antietam – many details which I have never read before.  While not a complete narrative of these battles, “Our Boys Did Nobly,” provides many new details from these battles that were gathered during years of research.  Much of the new information is primary source material, from the soldiers, that  has previously been untapped.  Hoptak’s book focuses on the soldiers from Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania who fought in the 48th Pennsylvania, 96th Pennsylvania and two companies of the 50th Pennsylvania Infantry.  By the fall of 1862 most of the soldiers in these regiments had seen active service in the Carolinas and Virginia.  The young men came from farms, coal mines, dry goods stores and colleges.  They would fight bravely and many would pay the ultimate sacrifice, for their beloved Country, at Fox’s Gap, Crampton’s Gap and the fields along Antietam Creek.  The 48th and 50th Pennsylvania would be assigned to US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps and would fight at Fox’s Gap and in Burnside’s attack on the Southern sector of Antietam.  Many of the young men would not muster out until the end of the Civil War, participating the the final Grand Review in May 1865.  The 96th Pennsylvania would fight in US Major General William Franklin’s VI Corps and were severely punished at Crampton’s Gap.  They would muster out of service during US Major General Philip Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Campaign.

For those of you, like me, that have an unquenchable thirst for the Maryland Campaign, this book will be a fascinating page turner, from an expert on Lee’s first invasion of the North.  For novice Civil War enthusiasts, the book is written in such a way that is easy to follow, and understand.  Written in terrific prose, the book is both fun to read and very detailed.  The epilogue provides Hoptak’s report card on the commanding generals and details of McClellan’s missed opportunities.  I would definitely recommend that you purchase this book as it will make an excellent addition to your Civil War library.

I recently had the opportunity to speak with John, who being from Schuylkill County, is very passionate about the soldiers from his home.  Hoptak provides insights into his research, stories of the soldiers during the Maryland Campaign and his assessment of the overall campaign.  As with all of my interviews, I’ve separated it into multiple parts so you can easily listen to them, at your leisure, and come back to the next part when you are ready.

About “Our Boys Did Nobly”
Author: John David Hoptak
Paperback: 358 pages
Distributed by: Ten Roads Publishing, LLC
ISBN-10: 0557088968

John David Hoptak Interview – 10 Parts
Total Time: 54 minutes, 53 seconds

Part 1 

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Time: 4:44
Contents: Welcome and introductions | About John Hoptak | Becoming a Park Ranger at Antietam | Background on “Our Boys Did Nobly” | Distribution by Ten Roads Publishing

Part 2 

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Time: 5:05
Contents: George B. McClellan – delusional while at Antietam? | The changing view of McClellan over 14 decades

Part 3 

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Time: 5:22
Contents: The men of Schuylkill County at South Mountain | Redemption of Colonel Henry Cake

Part 4 

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Time: 5:17
Contents: The 96th loses Captain Lewis Martin and Lt. John Doherty and eight color bearers at Crampton’s Gap | Severe losses of the 96th at Crampton’s Gap | The 48th and 50th Pennsylvania at Fox’s Gap | The loss of US Major General Jesse Reno

Part 5 

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Time: 6:45
Contents: The maturation of the boys from Schuylkill County | South Mountain a tactical Union victory? | Researching “Our Boys Did Nobly” | New primary source material

Part 6  

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Time: 6:59
Contents: The 48th Pennsylvania’s surprise after crossing Burnside Bridge | Ambrose Burnside at Antietam

Part 7 

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Time: 6:29
Contents: Diversion or assault for the IX Corps | Tactical issues involving the IX Corps’ approach to Burnside Bridge | Bravery of the Schuylkill County boys

Part 8 

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Time: 5:52
Contents: The last charge at Antietam | The forgotten sector of Antietam Battlefield | Robert E. Lee: To fight or not to fight?

Part 9 

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Time: 6:05
Contents: Army of Northern Virginia faced destruction at Antietam | George B. McClellan’s lost opportunities

Part 10 

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Time: 2:15
Contents: Future plans and what’s in the works | Wrap up and closing

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After CSA General Robert E. Lee pushed US Major General George B. McClellan from the peninsula, at the conclusion of the Seven Days, he pushed quickly after US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia.  The two adversaries would clash at Second Manassas from August 28–30, 1862.  While Pope had a numerical advantage for much of the battle, he failed to take advantage of it.  With the arrival of CSA Major General James Longstreet’s Right Wing, on the afternoon of August 29, Lee was able to completely defeat Pope, pushing him back towards the Washington City defenses.

After resting and resupplying his Army of Northern Virginia, Robert E. Lee set his sights north of the Potomac.  Northern Virginia had been ravaged by the Civil War for over a year.  The citizens of the commonwealth had been punished by the marauding armies – with their crops, livestock and other foodstuffs having been depleted.  Lee’s army, while achieving its goal of pushing McClellan from the Richmond area, and defeating Pope, had suffered significant casualties during three hard campaigns.  Lee believed there was widespread Confederate sympathies in Maryland, a slave state.  By invading Maryland Lee could find ample food for his army and recruit new soldiers for his army.  Confederate president, Jefferson Davis, believed a victory in Maryland would provide the impetus for England and France to recognize his fledgling country.  A victory would also hurt Lincoln’s Republican party during the midterm elections making it difficult for them to pursue the war against the South.  With the approval of the civilian government, Lee crossed the Potomac River, entering Maryland, on September 3.

The Armies Gather

Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia would cross the Potomac River using White’s Ford and Cheek’s Ford, after pushing through Dranesville and Leesburg, Virginia.  Pushing north to Frederick, Maryland Lee quickly learned that Confederate sympathies were not what he expected.  Writing Jefferson Davis on September 7, Lee stated, “I do not anticipate any general rising of the people in our behalf.”  While there were some kind acts, such as civilians giving the shoe less Confederate soldiers their shoes, or a drink of water, Lieutenant William Johnson summed it up well, “We were not received with cheers or songs or other evidences of approbation, but instead they looked at us in self-evident pity.”(i)

On September 9, Lee issued Special Orders No. 191, which detailed the operational plans for the upcoming campaign.  CSA Brigadier General John Walker’s two brigade division would turn around and counter march to Harper’s Ferry, while CSA Major General Lafayette McLaws would push through South Mountain with two divisions and take position on Maryland Heights.  Meanwhile, CSA Major General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s 2d Corps would approach Harper’s Ferry from the west, after the three divisions crossed the Potomac River into the Shenandoah Valley.  This three pronged attack would trap the Federal garrison without an escape route.  The rest of Lee’s army would leave Frederick, cross South Mountain and maintain a position at either Boonsboro or Hagerstown, Maryland.

George B. McClellan, now commanding an expanded army of over 100,000 soldiers, took the field on September 5 with approximately 75,000 men.  Using three roads to move his large army, he was able to move more efficiently.  Portions of the army pushed along the north bank of the Potomac River, through Poolesville, others pushed through Rockville and Gaithersburg, while the remainder pushed further north through Brookeville and New Market.  The destination was Frederick County, Maryland.  McClellan’s Army of the Potomac stretched from Frederick on the north, through Buckeystown, to Licksville on the south.  In the environs of Frederick were US Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps, US Major General Edwin Sumner’s II Corps, US Major General Joseph Mansfield’s XII Corps, US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps (under the command of Jesse Reno) and a division of US Major General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps commanded by US Brigadier General George Sykes.  Further south, at Buckeystown was US Major General William Franklin’s VI Corps.  Holding the Federal left flank was a division of the IV Corps commanded by US Major General Darius Couch.(ii)

On September 13, a copy of General Lee’s Special Orders 191 was found wrapped around three cigars along a fence row near Frederick (today this spot is marked across from the Monocacy National Battlefield’s Visitor’s Center on Urbana Road).  According to an examination by Stephen W. Sears, in his book “Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam,” the “Lost Orders” were found by Corporal Barton Mitchell of Company F 27th Indiana Infantry.  They would be sent by US Brigadier General Alpheus Williams through the XII Corps headquarters to McClellan, who received them by 12:00 p.m.  The copy was destined for CSA Major General Daniel Harvey (D.H.) Hill commanding a division in Jackson’s 2d Corps.  Hill claims to have never received the order and there was never any written evidence that he, or his adjutant, Major J.W. Ratchford, ever signed for the order.  Regardless of whether Hill received Special Orders 191 or not, the controversy still swirls today.  With the intelligence the “Lost Orders” gave McClellan - that Lee’s army was scattered from Harper’s Ferry to Boonsboro and possibly as far away as Hagerstown - McClellan had an opportunity to attack the Army of Northern Virginia and defeat it piecemeal before they could consolidate their commands.  Unfortunately, McClellan acting in his usual deliberate fashion did not put his army in motion for a full eighteen hours – truly missing an opportunity to completely defeat Lee.  So, in this author’s opinion, the real controversy is not whether Hill received the orders, but why McClellan waited so long to take advantage of the intelligence they offered.  For a detailed analysis of the controversy of the “Lost Orders” see Appendix I in Sears’ book.(iii)

On September 14, McClellan finally put his Army of the Potomac in motion.  Marching west on the National Road to Fox’s and Turner’s gaps were Hooker’s I Corps and Reno’s IX Corps.  Further south, Franklin’s VI Corps pushed west towards Crampton’s Gap.  In what would be called the Battle of South Mountain, they would be opposed by three divisions of Longstreet’s 1st Corps (McLaws, Hood and D.R. Jones), and Hill’s Division of Jackson’s 2d Corps.  The fighting would be in very close quarters, as the gaps were narrow, and would end with a Confederate withdrawal leaving the Federal forces in command of all three passes.  The battle would be costly, with the Federals suffering 2,300 casualties and the Confederates suffering nearly 2,700.(iv)

Robert E. Lee would move to consolidate his forces on the west side of Antietam Creek, around the village of Sharpsburg, Maryland.  Having captured Harper’s Ferry, Jackson would reunite with the rest of the Army of Northern Virginia by September 15.  Lee would create a fairly defensible position at Antietam.  His biggest weakness being that he was backed up against the Potomac River with one ford to cross his army if he needed to retreat. 

On September 15, McClellan would push after Lee, arriving on the east bank of Antietam creek.  He would have his entire army in place on September 16.  If he had attacked immediately, he would have had a numerically superior force.  Unfortunately, McClellan would continue to operate very deliberately. 

McClellan could easily see the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia from his headquarters at the Pry house.  Having lost the advantage of attacking Robert E. Lee’s army while it was separated, he would be forced to attack Lee where he was.  His plan was to attack Lee’s left flank with two corps (I and XII), rolling it up and allowing him to trap Lee against the Potomac River.  He would demonstrate against Lee’s right flank, at the lower bridge, with Burnside’s IX Corps, to keep him from reinforcing his other flank.  Additionally he would hold Franklin’s VI Corps in reserve, utilizing it where necessary.  In preparation for his attack, McClellan had ordered Hooker’s I Corps to cross Antietam Creek, utilizing the upper bridge, late on September 16, probing the Confederate defenses.  The stage was set for the bloodiest single day of fighting in American history. 

The Battle Opens – 5:30 a.m. to 10:00 a.m. – September 17

Hooker’s I Corps pushed down the Hagerstown Pike early on September 17.  Crossing through the North Woods they would enter a field of brown corn, ready for harvest.  US Brigadier General Abner Doubleday’s division was on the right flank, US Brigadier General James Rickett’s Division was on the left flank and US Brigadier General George Meade’s Division was behind them.  As the made their way through the Corn Field, the waiting Confederates could see them coming – their muskets glistening above the corn in the early morning light.  Facing them were CSA Brigadier General John Jones’ division from Jackson’s 2d Corps and CSA Brigadier General John Bell Hood’s division from Longstreet’s 1st Corps.  As the Federals exited the Corn Field they were met with a terrific blast of musketry from the two Confederate divisions.  The battle would rage back-and-forth for close to three hours with control of the Corn Field changing hands several times.  McClellan would order Mansfield’s XII Corps to support Hooker with the corps pushing through the East Woods towards the fighting in the Corn Field.  They would engage Hood’s Texans as they approached the southeast corner of the Corn Field.  During this action Mansfield would be killed and command of the XII Corps would pass to the senior brigadier, Alpheus Williams.  US Major Rufus Dawes, of the 6th Wisconsin, would pick up their regimental colors after four color bearers had fallen, urging his men forward.  The 6th Wisconsin was part of US Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Iron Brigade and was in the thick of the fighting at the Corn Field.  Dawes described the action that morning, “When I took that color in my hand, I gave up all hope of life.  It did not occur to me as possible that I could carry that flag into the deadly storm and live.  I felt all that burning throng of thoughts and emotions that always comes with the presence of Death.”(v)

The Corn Field was strewn with the dead and wounded.  Each side fought to control the small parcel of ground.  The corn would be mowed down from artillery and musketry fire.  While none of the Federal divisions gained much ground, Gibbon’s Iron Brigade would have some success on the far right flank.  Pushing south astride the Hagerstown Pike, they would enter the West Woods where they would encounter Jackson’s troops.  Pushing them aside the Iron Brigade would continue to push towards the Dunker Church.  With two Confederate brigades, commanded by CSA Brigadier General William E. Starke, arriving to reinforce Jackson’s 2d Corps, the Iron Brigade received a fierce volley from over 1,100 men.  While Gibbon’s soldiers were halted, they returned such a withering fire that Starke was killed and his brigade was forced to retreat.  A Confederate war correspondent, Felix de Fontaine would write about this action, “The fire now became fearful and incessant, (it) merged into a tumultuous chorus that made the earth tremble.  The discharge of musketry sounded upon the ear like the rolling of a thousand distant drums…”(vi)  Gibbon’s brigade was again pushing towards the Dunker Church, tearing a wide gap in Jackson’s reeling lines.

With continuing pressure from Hood’s Division, the battle for the West Woods and Corn Field continued to sway back-and-forth.  By 10:00 a.m., with US Brigadier George S. Greene’s XII Corps’ division arriving, between the Corn Field and the West Woods, the Federals were able to gain a solid footing near the West Woods.  In the melee of fighting, Hooker would be shot through the foot and command of the I Corps would be passed to the senior division commander, Brigadier General James Ricketts.  This would end the morning phase of fighting in the Corn Field and the West Woods.  While stalled, the Federal offensive had gained ground and placed Jackson’s 2d Corps in a tenuous situation.  The gains came at an extremely high price for the opposing forces.  Total casualties in this sector approached 13,000 men.

For a map of the late morning fight for the West Woods and Corn Field click HERE.

Battle for the Sunken Road – 10:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. – September 17

George B. McClellan recognized the dangerous nature of the battle waging near the Corn Field.  He was able to clearly see the battle from his headquarters at the Pry house on the east bank of Antietam Creek.  Having already committed the I Corps and XII Corps to the battle, he ordered US Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps into the fray at 7:30 a.m.  Riding with US Major General John Sedgwick’s division he pushed towards the action near the West Woods.  Sedgwick would be injured in the fighting there and ultimately the division would be pulled back by Sumner.  Inexplicably, his other division detailed to the attack, commanded by US Brigadier General William French, would lose contact with Sedgwick’s division and veer towards the southeast.  Sumner’s last remaining division, commanded by US Major General Israel Richardson, was to follow the first two divisions, providing support where necessary.  Following closely behind French, Richardson’s division would also veer away from the fighting raging near the Dunker Church.

French’s division quickly ran into enemy skirmishers from D.H. Hill’s division.  Hungry for a fight, the ever aggressive French pushed after the skirmishers pushing them back to their lines.  Hill’s 2,500 man division was posted on a slight rise just past a road that was sunken from years of wagon traffic.  Their position, while below the rise of ground the Federals would have to cross to reach them, was defensible.  Dressing their lines, French’s division, followed by Richardson’s division on the left, left the sheltered confines near the Roulette Farm.  Marching across a field, they would quickly begin climbing a rise.  As they approached the crest of the rise, they became silhouetted for Hill’s Rebels at the Sunken Road, below them.  Unleashing a withering volley into the Federals, CSA Brigadier General Robert Rodes Brigade slowed French’s Union soldiers.  On the left side of the Federal line, Richardson’s division, being led by US Brigadier General Thomas F. Meagher’s famed Irish Brigade, reached the crest and were also slowed by a musketry volley from CSA Brigadier General George B. Anderson’s North Carolina Brigade.  As the Federal troops pushed down the hill, towards the Sunken Road, additional Confederate reinforcements arrived to stabilize D.H. Hill’s line.  CSA Major General Richard Anderson’s 1st Corps division arrived from the direction of the Piper farm and provided relief for Hill’s battered division which had begun to pull back.  Under intense fire from the reinforced Rebel line, Richardson ordered Meagher’s Irish Brigade forward.  Armed with smoothbore muskets, Meagher’s Fenians unleashed a terrible blast from the crest of the hill.  Encouraging his brigade forward, Meaher yelled to his men, “Boys!  Raise the colors and follow me!”(vii)  With a yell the Irishmen poured down the hill and into the Sunken Lane.  The fighting was often hand-to-hand and the Irish Brigade would eventually have to pull back for additional ammunition.  Richardson’s last brigade would arrive as the Irish Brigade was pulling back.  Commanded by US Brigadier General John Caldwell, they provided the necessary reinforcements for the Federal line to not just hold, but defeat the Rebels in near the roadbed.  Approaching from the left side of the Federal line, Caldwell’s men were able to position themselves to enfilade the entire length of the Confederate line, making the Sunken Road untenable for the Rebels.  They would be forced to pull back to the Piper Farm around 12:30 p.m.  CSA Captain John Gorman of Company B 2d North Carolina described the fighting, “(the) lead was flying thick (making it) too hot (for reinforcements to come up).”(viii)

As the smoke cleared from the air along the Sunken Road, it became clear that the cost in life was terrible.  Besides nearly 5,600 combined casualties, each side would lose experienced commanders while fighting for the Bloody Lane.  Federal Division commander General Israel Richardson would be mortally wounded – the second Federal general officer that would die from his wounds at Antietam.  On the Confederate side, things were worse.  Major General Richard Anderson was wounded, Brigadier General George B. Anderson would be killed and his senior regimental commander, Colonel C.C. Tew, would be instantly killed moments after taking over brigade command.  Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright would be seriously wounded and a rising star in the Army of Northern Virginia, Colonel John B. Gordon, would be seriously wounded.  As on the Federal right, the Union forces were able to move forward and capture ground held by the Confederates.  Robert E. Lee’s position was tenuous at best.  He was significantly outnumbered and his left and center were under brutal attack.  If matters were not bad enough for Lee, his right flank was beginning to be attacked at the lower bridge.  The entire outcome of the Battle of Antietam would be determined by the results of the fighting on his right.

Burnside’s Attack on the Confederate Left – 10:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. – September 17

McClellan’s battle orders for Burnside called for his IX Corps to divert attention from the fighting on the right flank (the Corn Field fight) to keep Lee from sending reinforcements from this sector to Jackson’s 2d Corps.  However, Burnside was told to wait for orders before he attacked.  These orders did not arrive until 10:00 a.m. – four full hours after the Hooker launched his attack.  By this time Lee had already pulled a significant amount of troops from his right flank to support Jackson.  With nearly 13,000 men, Burnside held a significant numerical superiority to the Confederates on the opposite bank of Antietam Creek.  By this time only two Georgia regiments held the opposite bank – the 20th and 2d infantry regiments.  Unfortunately, these regiments held a commanding position 100 feet above Antietam Creek.  This position allowed them to pour a deadly fire into Burnside’s troops as the moved towards the south bridge along Rorhbach Bridge Road.  The Federal troops would be under Confederate artillery and musket fire for several 100 feet along the road, and then have to cross the 125 foot bridge – all the while under heavy fire.

US Brigadier General George Crook’s brigade, from the Kanawha Division, was ordered to cross the bridge first, followed by two divisions commanded by US brigadier generals Samuel Sturgis and Orlando Willcox.  Burnside’s last division, commanded by Brigadier General Isaac Rodman were ordered to cross the Antietam at Snavely’s Ford, approximately two miles further downstream.

Crook had his brigade in motion shortly after McClellan’s orders arrived at 10:00 a.m.  He sent skirmishers from the 11th Connecticut to seize the bridge.  Within about 15 minutes time they would be roughly treated and forced back, suffering 139 casualties.  Unfortunately, Crook’s primary assault never materialized as he had led his men to a position nearly a 1/4 mile upstream.  By 11:30 a.m., with Rodman’s division attempting to cross at Snavely’s Ford, Burnside would send US Brigadier General James Nagle’s brigade forward to take the bridge.  These soldiers would also be turned away by the Confederate fire from the far bank.  At 12:30 p.m., under increasing pressure from McClellan to take the bridge, Burnside sent Sturgis’ other brigade, commanded by US Brigadier General Edward Ferrero to take the bridge.  These men, motivated by a promise of whiskey, quickly established a hold on the east bank of the creek and began shelling the Georgians with double canister.  CSA Brigadier General Robert Toombs, in overall command of the Georgians, knew his situation was bad.  He was running low on ammunition and at 12:30 p.m. had received word that Rodman’s Federal division had crossed Snavely’s Ford.  CSA Colonel Henry Benning described the situation, “The combined fire of infantry and artillery was terrific.”(ix)  With little ammunition left, and an entire Federal division on their flank, they were forced to withdraw.  The Federals cheered when they saw the Georgians retreat.

With the bridge open, and no Rebels in their front, Burnside now had another problem to contend with.  While his soldiers were bottle necked trying to cross the bridge, it became known that staff officers had not brought adequate ammunition forward.  This would cause another two hour delay as Burnside waited to get ammunition – and men – across the narrow bridge.  It was approximately 2:00 p.m.  Meanwhile, Lee could spare no men to shore up his crumbling right flank.  Burnside’s ammunition shortage could not have come at a better time.  At 2:30 p.m., A.P. Hill had reached Lee and advised him that his 3,000 man division would be on the field in the next hour.  Lee ordered Hill to place them on his right flank.  Burnside, planning for an attack west towards Sharpsburg, was unaware that Lee was being reinforced.  At 3:00 p.m., leaving Sturgis’ division to guard the bridge, Burnside pushed west with close to 8,000 troops and 22 heavy guns.  With only D.R. Jones small division separating Burnside from flanking the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, the situation was bleak.  Additionally Rodman’s division was pushing towards Jones’ flank from the south.  The residents of Sharpsburg were panic stricken.  Burnside’s troops had pushed the Confederate flank back to within a couple hundred yards of town.

Things changed rapidly.  At 3:30 p.m., A.P. Hill arrived with his light division.  Having marched at the double quick for 17 miles, they were worn out.  However, they became energized when they heard the sound of battle.  Separating his command in two columns, he would detach two brigades to protect his flank.  The remaining 2,000 soldiers marched quickly to the right of Jones’ shattered division.  Burnside was unprepared for the vigorous assault by A.P. Hill’s Division.  Some of the heaviest fighting would occur in John Otto’s corn field where CSA Brigadier General Maxcy Gregg’s South Carolinians attacked the 16th Connecticut of Rodman’s division.  These young men had barely been in the Federal service three weeks and were immediately routed, leaving 185 casualties on the field.  Lieutenant B.G. Blakeslee of the 16th described the initial contact with Gregg’s Brigade, “(the order to move on had just been given) when a terrible volley was fired into us from behind a stone wall about five rods in front of us….In a moment we were riddled with shot.”  Blakeslee added, “Orders were given which were not understood.  Neither the line-officers nor the men had any knowledge of regimental movements.”(x)  While the 16th Connecticut was receiving its baptism of fire, the 4th Rhode Island came up on their right.  They were confused as many of the Confederates were wearing Federal uniforms captured at Harper’s Ferry.  They quickly broke and ran leaving only the 8th Connecticut in Otto’s field.  They also were quickly driven from the field and towards Antietam Creek.  Other than one last counterattack by the Kanawha division, which was unsuccessful, the fighting was over.

For my photo essay on the Battle of Antietam click HERE.

Battle Summary

Campaign: Maryland

Outcome: U.S. Victory

Troop Strengths
Union: 75,000
Confederate: 38,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 12,410 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 10,300 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
While the battle was a technical “draw,” the North considered it a victory since the Army of the Potomac held the field, after Lee retreated.  After having written the Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln held it, waiting for a victory on the battlefield.  Using Antietam as the victory, Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862.  This proclamation is widely considered to have changed the North’s war goals of reunification of the Union, to a battle to eradicate slavery in the United States.  The South’s goals to receive European recognition, and fresh recruits, was never realized.  US Major General George McClellan, a model of deliberate action, did not pursue Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia quickly enough for Lincoln and was removed from command on November 7, 1862.

Recommended reading on the Maryland Campaign
 
Details about “The Landscape Turn Red: The Battle of Antietam”
Written by: Stephen W. Sears
Paperback: 464 pages
Publisher: Mariner Books
Date of First Edition: June 3o, 2003
ISBN-10: 0618344195

Details about “Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle”
Written by: John M. Priest
Paperback: 424 pages
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date of First Edition: January 20, 1994
ISBN-10: 0195084667

Details about: “Guide to the Battle of Antietam”
Written by: Jay Luvaas, Harold W. Nelson and the Army War College
Paperback: 310 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: August 1996
ISBN-10: 0700607846

(i) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 85.
(ii) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 127.
(iii) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pgs. 349–352.
(iv) Battle of South Mountain, at Wikipedia, was used to research this article.
(v) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 198.
(vi) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 194.
(vii) Priest, John M., Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle, published by White Mane Publishing Co., Inc. in 1989, Pg. 160.
(viii) Priest, John M., Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle, published by White Mane Publishing Co., Inc. in 1989, Pg. 162.
(ix) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 266.
(x) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 288.

James Barton Wiley was born in Ohio between 1836 and 1838.  By 1850 he was living with his parents, Jacob and Mary Wiley, in Noble, Ohio.  He was the oldest of seven siblings.  He was the only son of Jacob and Mary.  He would marry Catherine Coffee on February 2, 1854 in Noble County, Indiana.  Together they would have three children: Mary Jane (1856), John M. (1859) and William S. (1862).  Wiley would often go by his middle name on official records, including his marriage certificate and the 1860 Federal Census record which listed the Wiley residence in Baker, Indiana.(i)

With the outbreak of hostilities, Wiley would enlist as a private in Company H, 59th New York Infantry.  His date of enlistment was September 20, 1861 at Bellville, Ohio.  In speaking with a couple of his ancestors, this author has been unable to determine why he would enlist in a New York regiment when he lived in Indiana and entered the service in Ohio.  The only logical conclusion is that Ohio had filled her volunteer requirements and the state had not authorized the formation of additional regiments by his enlistment date.

The 59th New York was officially mustered into Federal service in November 1861 and would leave New York City on November 23.  Proceeding to Washington City they would serve in US Brigadier General James Wadsworth’s command, defending Washington, through May 1862.  In July 1862 the 59th New York would join the Army of the Potomac and be assigned to the Third Brigade (Brigadier General Napoleon J.T. Dana), Second Division (US Major General John Sedgwick) of US Major General Edwin Sumner’s II Corps.  Commanding the 59th New York was Colonel William L. Tidball.  Leaving Washington City, they would join their new command at Harrison’s Landing on the James River Peninsula.  By this time The Seven Days was over and the Army of the Potomac, commanded by US Major General George B. McClellan was preparing to leave Harrison’s Landing to return to Alexandria, Virginia.  Private James Wiley would see no action while at Harrison’s Landing.(ii)

By August 28, 1862, the II Corps was located at Fairfax Court House, Virginia, and would be involved in covering US Major General John Pope’s retreating Army of Virginia from their rout at Second Manassas.  After the defeat of Pope’s army, CSA General Robert E. Lee determined to invade the North in an effort to recruit troops and provide relief for wary Virginians who had suffered through nearly all of the fighting in the Eastern Theater.  Pushing into Maryland during the first days of September, Lee would begin an effort to recruit Marylanders who were loyal to the Confederacy – an effort that turned out to be in vain.

Meanwhile, in Washington City, McClellan began to organize the remnants of Pope’s Army of Virginia using some of them to fill the ranks of his Army of the Potomac.  A master of organization, McClellan quickly had his army back in shape.  With intelligence mounting, that Lee had pushed into Maryland, McClellan quickly began planning his movements.  On September 6, the Army of the Potomac left Washington, in several columns, to find Lee’s army.  The first action of the Maryland Campaign would occur at South Mountain on September 14, when US Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps would engage portions of CSA Major Generals James Longstreet and Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s army wings.  The fighting at South Mountain would take place at Fox’s Gap, Crampton’s Gap and Turner’s Gap and would be intense.  Hooker was severely pressed while trying to push through the gaps.  The II Corps, including the 59th New York, would be sent to reinforce Hooker, but would arrive to find the I Corps alone at South Mountain – Lee having pulled his forces back.

On September 16, Sumner’s II Corps would be on the east side of Antietam Creek, facing the majority of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia (CSA Major General A.P. Hill’s Light Division was at Harpers Ferry) deployed around Sharpsburg, Maryland – just west of Antietam Creek.  On the morning of September 17, Hooker’s I Corps, having crossed Antietam Creek north of the Confederates, pushed south towards the left flank of Lee’s forces.  Pushing through the “Corn Field” they would be heavily engaged against Jackson’s Left Army Wing.  With the fighting going back-and-forth, across the Corn Field, the I Corps would suffer terrible casualties.  At 7:20 a.m., McClellan would order the II Corps to reinforce Hooker’s I Corps, and US Major General Joseph Mansfield’s XII Corps which had become engaged east of the Corn Field, near the North Woods.  The plan was for Sumner’s II Corps to push towards the Dunker Church, slamming into the left of Jackson’s Confederate lines.  Two of the II Corps divisions were to attack in force.  Unfortunately, US Major General William H. French’s division would veer to the left instead of staying on Sedgwick’s Second Division’s left flank.  This would leave the Second Division, including Wiley’s 59th New York, unsupported as they pushed through the Corn Field towards the West Woods.  Crossing the Hagerstown Pike, the general order was to keep the Dunker Church on their left, and rear.  Pushing straight forward, the three brigades of Sedgwick’s division would not find the enemy in their front, but with their left flank refused and facing north into Sedgwick’s left flank.  Confusion reigned throughout Sedgwick’s division and it became especially pronounced within Dana’s brigade.  His troops, including Wiley’s 59th New York, were receiving heavy enemy fire from a direction they did not expect – their left - enfilading their lines.  Additionally, the division was receiving heavy artillery fire from CSA Major General J.E.B. Stuart’s horse artillery located on a rocky rise to their right.(iii)  Sumner, maintaining his composure, rode up and down his lines, encouraging his soldiers to remain steady.  One of Dana’s soldiers wrote home describing Sumner’s actions, “We were completely flanked on the left and in two minutes more could have been prisoners of war if Gen Sumner himself had not rode in through a terrific fire of the enemy and brought us off……My men fell around me like dead flies on a frosty morning.”(iv)  The 59th New York’s baptism of fire was harsh.  The regiment did not handle themselves well.  With the field shrouded by smoke, they fired unknowingly into the backs of the 15th Massachusetts Infantry.  Not hearing the Massachusetts men yelling at them to cease firing, they would continue to fire into them until Sumner rode up and “cussed them out.”  Sedgwick’s division was able to retreat across the Hagerstown Pike and reform.  The fighting at Antietam would move south to the Bloody Lane, where the II Corps divisions of French and US Major General Israel Richardson would continue the fight.  The fighting on the Federal right would diminish as the action at the Bloody Lane intensified.  US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps would attack on the far left, after which the Battle of Antietam sputtered to a close.  Sergeant James Wiley, along with the 59th New York, had experienced their first major fighting, on a grand scale, at Antietam.

Wiley would continue to serve with the 59th New York through upcoming battles at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville – each being terrible Federal defeats.  Once again, after the Battle of Chancellorsville, Robert E. Lee decided to invade the North.  From July 1–3, 1863, the Army of the Potomac, commanded then by US Major General George Gordon Meade, would battle Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia in the small southern Pennsylvania town of Gettysburg.  US Major General Winfield S. Hancock now commanded the II Corps.  The Second Division was now commanded by US Brigadier General John Gibbon with the Third Brigade being commanded by Colonel Norman J. Hall.  The 59th New York was in Hall’s brigade and was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Max Thoman.  Brigadier General John Caldwell’s First Division would see action on the second day of Gettysburg, the other two divisions would not be involved.  On the third day of battle, the II Corps other divisions, commanded by US Brigadier General Alexander Hays, and Gibbon, would see significant action during CSA Major General George E. Pickett’s famous charge.  Positioned along Cemetery Ridge, Hays division held the II Corps right flank while Gibbon’s division held the left.  Gibbon received some support from US Colonel Edmund Dana’s I Corps’ brigade.  Pickett’s combined command, which included his 1st Corps Division and CSA Brigadier General J. Johnston Pettigrew’s Division and portions of CSA Major General Richard H. Anderson’s Division, both of the 3d Corps, totaled approximately 12,500 soldiers.  After CSA Colonel E. Porter Alexander’s 1st Corps artillery bombarded the Federal lines for over an hour, Pickett’s troops dressed ranks along Seminary Ridge and pushed towards Hancock’s II Corps.  It was approximately 3:00 p.m.  Crossing the fields between Seminary Ridge and Cemetery Ridge, the Confederates would start to receive artillery shelling.  Crossing a fence along the Emmittsburg Road, they pushed towards the Federal line, its soldiers well protected behind a stone wall.  As they closed to within small arms range, they received a terrible storm of lead as the Federal infantry opened on them.  The Confederate charge would be repulsed, with only a handful of regiments breaking through the II Corps’ line.  The 59th New York would receive a direct assault from the 48th Georgia Infantry regiment.(v)  During the hard fighting here, some of which was hand-to-hand, Wiley would capture the Georgia regiment’s battle flag.  He would receive the Medal of Honor for his actions at Gettysburg, on December 1, 1864.  His citation reads, “Capture of flag of a Georgia regiment.”

Meade’s Army of the Potomac would repulse Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia at Gettysburg, ending the bloodiest battle on American soil.  Lee would retreat back into Virginia, with Meade’s army slowly pursuing them, essentially “nipping at their heels.”

Wiley, and the 59th New York Infantry, would continue to serve their country.  They would be engaged in all the remaining battles in the eastern theater including Mine Run, the Overland Campaign, Petersburg Campaign and Appomattox Court House.  On June 22, 1864, during the fighting at Jerusalem Plank Road, 1st Sergeant James Wiley would be captured.  He would be sent south to the Confederate Prison at Camp Sumter – better known as Andersonville.  He would suffer, with his fellow prisoners, from malnutrition, poor drinking water and exposure to the elements.  On February 7, 1865, Wiley would die from dysentery – most likely never knowing he had been awarded the Medal of Honor for gallantry at Gettysburg.  James Barton Wiley is a true American HERO.

(i) James Barton Wiley, at Ancestery.com was used to research this article.
(ii) The Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System was used to research this article.
(iii) Walker, Francis A., History of the Second Army Corps in the Army of the Potomac, Second Edition, published by Charles Scribner’s Sons in 1891, Pgs. 100–107.
(iv) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pgs. 227–228.
(v) Hess, Earl J., Pickett’s Charge: The Last Attack at Gettysburg, published by the University of North Carolina Press in 2001, Pg. 91.