This Mighty Scourge

The 5th New York Infantry regiment, also known as Duryée’s Zouaves was organized in New York City after President Abraham Lincoln’s call for the states to send 75,000 state militiamen “in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.”(i)  They were officially mustered into Federal service, on May 9, 1861, as a two year regiment.  Their commander, Colonel Abram Duryée, a wealthy New York businessman, was able to recruit the regiment, arm them and uniform them in less than a week.  Many of the soldiers in the 5th New York’s ranks were well educated and had served in the well known 7th Regiment, New York National Guard.  Their uniforms were modeled after the North African style of the French Zouaves.  These bright uniforms had become well accepted in the state militias after the 1860 tour of Captain Elmer E. Ellsworth’s U.S. Zouave cadets.  No less than fifty of these infantry regiments were established during the Civil War, but Duryée’s 5th New York would become one of the most famous.

After being mustered into the Federal service Colonel Duryée left New York City on May 23.  Their destination was Fortress Monroe, Virginia, where they would arrive several days later.  Assigned to US Brigadier General Ebenezer Pierce’s brigade, the 5th New York would be tasked with garrison duty at Newport News, Virginia, through July 1861.  On June 10, 1861, they would participate in the Civil War’s first infantry battle at Big Bethel, Virginia where they would suffer 17 casualties – six of which were killed in action.(ii)

In July they would be transferred to US Major General John A Dix’s division. Garrisoned in Baltimore, they would serve in the city’s defenses through March 1862 when they were transferred to the US Colonel Gouverneur Warren’s Third brigade, US Brigadier General George Sykes’ Second Division of US Major General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps – Army of the Potomac.  Arriving on the Virginia peninsula, in time for US Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, they would initially see little action.  While not directly engaged in the Battle of Seven Pines (also called Fair Oaks), they were able to witness the battle from north of the Chickahominy River, as two divisions of CSA General Joseph E. Johnston’s Confederate army attacked the III and IV Federal Corps, commanded by brigadier generals Samuel P. Heintzelman and Erasmus D. Keyes.  After Seven Pines, with Joseph Johnston seriously injured, CSA General Robert E. Lee would officially take over command of what would soon be called the Army of Northern Virginia.  Thus ended the Peninsula Campaign and started The Seven Days battles.

Robert E. Lee quickly showed his aggressiveness, pushing McClellan’s Army of the Potomac from the very “Gates of Richmond.”  With McClellan starting a retrograde movement towards the James River, Robert E. Lee attacked Porter’s V Corps which was isolated east of the Chickahominy River, on June 27, 1862.  During the ensuing Battle of Gaines’s Mill, Duryée’s 5th New York would receive its “”baptism of fire.”  Positioned south of Boatswain Swamp, near the right-center of Porter’s 5th Corps line, Duryée’s Zouaves was supporting a Massachusetts artillery battery which had been raking the Confederate lines.  The 1st South Carolina Rifles, of CSA Major General A.P. Hill’s Light Division, were ordered to charge and silence the battery.  Charging across the creek, the South Carolinians issued their spine chilling Rebel yell.  To protect the battery, the 5th New York jumped into action, issuing their own unique yell, “Zou, zou, zou!”(iii)  They received the attack and a brutal hand-to-hand engagement commenced.  With the aid of some of Sykes’ Regulars, they were able to repel the fierce attack, holding onto their position and allowing the Massachusetts artillerists to continue their deadly work.  All told, the 1st South Carolina Rifles suffered a staggering 309 casualties that day -57% of their pre-battle strength.  Duryée’s “Red Legs” 5th New York Volunteers would suffer 162 casualties, of which 38 were killed – roughly 36%.  The entire “butcher’s bill” during Gaines’ Mill was a staggering 15,500.

After Gaines’ Mill, the entire Army of the Potomac pushed south, towards Harrison’s Landing on the James River.  With Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia on their heels, they would fight rear guard actions at Savage’s Station and Glendale (also called Frayser’s Farm), before they had created a very defensible position at Malvern Hill.  The Battle of Malvern Hill decimated the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia and allowed McClellan to extricate his Army of the Potomac from the Peninsula.  The 5th New York would be help cover the retreat of the Federal army from Malvern Hill.

Duryée and the 5th New York would continue to be posted at Harrison’s Landing until August 15, when they moved by steamer to Fortress Monroe.  Meanwhile, Abraham Lincoln had created the Army of Virginia, which was commanded by US Major General John Pope.  While Robert E. Lee was pushing McClellan from the peninsula, Lee detached CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s wing to harass the movements of Pope’s Federal army.  They would meet at the Battle of Cedar Mountain, on August 9, where Jackson’s forces, augmented by A.P. Hill’s Light Division would repulse US Major General Nathaniel Banks’ II Corps, Army of Virginia.  Over the coming days Jackson would push his two divisions north, capturing the Federal supply depot at Manassas Station, on August 26.  He would take the supplies he could use, and put a torch to the rest of the Federal supply depot.  By August 28, Jackson had his divisions arrayed north of the Warrenton Turnpike, near Groveton, Virginia.  Positioned in an unfinished railroad cut, he awaited the arrival John Pope’s Army of Virginia.  Meanwhile, Robert E. Lee, wanting to destroy Pope’s army, before McClellan could arrive to reinforce him, pushed the rest of his Army of Virginia north to augment the forces commanded by Jackson.

Arriving at Alexandria during the third week of August, McClellan detached Heintzelman’s III Corps, Porter’s V Corps and US Major General Jesse Reno’s IX Corps, sending them to reinforce Pope’s army for the inevitable battle near Manassas Junction.  On August 29, the Battle of Second Manassas would open when Pope’s I Corps, commanded by US Major General Franz Sigel, and III Corps, commanded by US Major General Irvin McDowell, attacked Jackson’s forces in the railroad cut.  The fighting would be intense with several attacks, and counterattacks, occurring throughout the day.  With darkness covering the battlefield, the two armies would hold roughly the same position they held at the start of the day’s fighting.

The 5th New York Volunteer Infantry would arrive, with Porter’s V Corps, during the afternoon of August 29.  Ordered to attack Jackson’s right flank, Porter slowly moved his corps along the Manassas Gap Railroad towards his objective, Gainesville, Virginia.  Unfortunately, Pope’s orders were unclear, stating that the army may need to pull back to Centreville, Virginia, which essentially halted Porter.  His corps would see very little action on August 29, other than some minor skirmishing with CSA Major General J.E.B. Stuart’s Cavalry division.

At 7:00 a.m. on August 31, Pope met with his senior lieutenants.  With overnight and early morning intelligence providing faulty information that the Confederate army was retreating, Pope determined to fall on the rear of the retreating column.  Porter’s V Corps would spearhead the attack, north of the Warrenton Turnpike.  This same ground had been fiercely fought over, on August 29, by US Major General Philip Kearny’s division of Heintzelman’s III Corps, Army of the Potomac.  Unfortunately, for the Federal cause, Pope was extremely indecisive on the morning of August 30.  While they agreed upon a plan to attack the retreating Confederates, no formal orders were issued.  As historian John J. Hennessy writes in his epic campaign study, “Return to Bull Run,” Pope’s “enthusiasm for the plan disappeared with the dew on the morning’s grass.”(iv)  After the morning meeting, with his V Corps arriving on the field, Porter had an extended conversation with Pope.  He attempted to convince Pope that Lee’s Army of Virginia not only remained on the field, but its right flank extended far south of the Warrenton Turnpike – probably all the way to the Manassas-Gainesville Road.  Pope dismissed not only Porter’s solid advice but the advice of US Brigadier General John F. Reynolds who fought the Rebels south of the turnpike, the previous day.  Pope would leave the meeting – allowing the commanders to act on their own – with no official orders.

Meanwhile, on the Confederate side, Robert E. Lee had masterfully placed CSA Major General James Longstreet’s right wing, from Brawner’s Farm, on the north, to the Manassas Gap Railroad, on the south.  The northern portion of Longstreet’s line, commanded by division commander Brigadier General Cadmus Wilcox, connected with Jackson’s right flank, near the railroad cut.  Lee’s tactical plan was to have Longstreet’s entire wing pivot on Wilcox’s left flank pounding into the left flank of Pope’s position, held by Porter.  Essentially, Longstreet’s movement would be like a door swinging closed on the Federal position, with the right flank of his lines covering the longest distance.  This masterful plan would catch Pope unaware, as he believed Lee was retreating, and collapse his lines south to north.  Pope’s indecisiveness played right into Lee’s hands.

During the morning, and early afternoon, Porter arranged his troops.  Most of his corps were arrayed north of the Warrenton Turnpike.  Porter’s plan called for the attack to be made by Sykes’ division and portions of US Major General George Morrell’s division.  Sykes’ Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Gouverneur K. Warren was posted on high ground east of Lewis Lane, but south of the turnpike.  Composed of the 5th and 10th New York Volunteer Infantry regiments, Warren’s small brigade was in a very exposed position on the far left flank of the Federal army.  Besides protecting the flank, they were to provide infantry support to US Lieutenant Charles “Cog” Hazlett’s Battery D, 5th  U.S. Artillery.  Posted behind Warren’s lone brigade was the brigade of US Colonel Nathaniel C. McLean of US Brigadier General Robert C. Schenck’s First Division, Franz Sigel’s I Corps Army of Virginia.  They were posted near Bald Hill, approximately 3/4 of a mile behind Warren’s brigade.

Fitz John Porter’s attack commenced at approximately 3:00 p.m.  Attacking towards the northeast, they slammed into the right flank of Jackson’s wing.  Directly in the Federals’ path were the veteran brigades of CSA brigadier generals William E. Starke and Alexander R. Lawton.  While experiencing some early success, Porter’s attack was not coordinated.  The first Federal troops to push towards the unfinished railroad cut were those of US Brigadier General Daniel Butterfield.  Porter originally planned to send in Sykes’ entire division to support Butterfield, but changed his mind as he observed the Confederate artillery action on Butterfield’s lines.  Posted between the two Confederate army wings were the large artillery commands of Colonel Stephen D. Lee and Major L.M. Shumaker.  They were well placed between the two army wings and were able to enfilade the path of Butterfield’s brigade.  Further to his right, Porter allowed US Brigadier General John Hatch’s division, of Irvin McDowell’s III Corps, Army of Virginia, to push forward with their attack.  They only needed to march over 300 yards of open ground – half what Butterfield’s brigade was traversing.  The piecemeal attack Pope initiated was easily repulsed by the veteran Confederate soldiers in the unfinished railroad cut.  The Federal soldiers would stream back quickly after facing heavy musketry to their front, and heavy artillery fire enfilading them from their left.

Longstreet and Lee could both observe Porter’s failing attack.  At one point Lee only planned to use Longstreet’s right wing as a diversion.  Now, Lee believed he had the opportunity to crush Pope’s Army of Virginia.  At 4:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered his five divisions into action.  Their objective was to reach the Henry House Hill, site of the first battle of Bull Run, from where they could push north into Pope’s unsuspecting Army of Virginia.  The only Federal troops positioned in Longstreet’s path were the two lone brigades of Warren, east of Lewis Lane, and McLean, on Chinn Ridge.

To say Warren was concerned about his forward position is an understatement.  After watching Porter’s attack and subsequent repulse, north of the Warrenton Turnpike, Warren expected to see the Confederates at any moment.  With six companies of his 10th New York deployed as skirmishers near Lewis Lane and Duryée’s 5th New York Volunteers posted about 200 yards behind Hazlett’s artillery, Warren faced insurmountable odds.  The 5th New York were in a position Hennessy describes as “calculated for comfort, not defense,” and were unaware of the imminent attack of Longstreet’s divisions.  After their hard fighting, during the Seven Days, the well drilled Zouaves numbered around 560 men – 60 of which were new recruits.  Commanding them today was Cleveland Winslow – a promising officer, but one the troops would consider a martinet.  Unknown to Winslow, and his troops, CSA Brigadier John Bell Hood’s division - and more specifically his Texas brigade - were approximately one half mile in their front.  The Texas Brigade was a battle hardened group and included the 1st, 4th and 5th Texas regiments, the 18th Georgia and the Hampton South Carolina Legion.

Shortly after 4:00 p.m., the 5th New York received some warning of the impending attack when a company of the 10th New York suddenly appeared on their left.  Alfred Davenport, a private in the 5th, recalled they were “huddled in a heap and much scared.”  They warned the enemy was coming and would be on their left at any moment.  Winslow wasted little time, making the order, “Attention battalion!”  The battle hardened Zouaves quickly grabbing their rifles and formed a line to receive the Hood’s onslaught.  Taking into consideration the 10th New York Infantry’s warning, the battle line was faced towards the left.  Before fully formed, however, the 5th New York’s line began receiving musketry.  One soldier described it well, “The balls began to fly from woods like hail.  It was a continual hiss, snap, whiz and sluck.”  The sluck being the sound of minie balls hitting flesh.(v)

Confusion reigned amongst the Zouaves as they leveled their muskets and prepared to return fire at the soldiers, barely seen, through the smoke, when someone yelled, “Don’t fire!  Those men below to the Tenth!”  Unfortunately, the men of the six companies of the 10th were between the enemy lines preventing the Zouaves from firing.  With the officers of the 10th New York trying to rally their troops, the men of the 5th were forced to wait for them to pass to the rear, before they could engage the Texas Brigade.  As Warren attempted to get the 10th pulled back, men in both Federal regiments were falling.  Two color bearers of the 10th fell in the rapidly unfolding melee while Hazlett’s 5th U.S. Artillery battery continued to fire into the rapidly advancing line of Texans.  By this time, Duryée’s Zouaves had pushed forward to offer support to “Cog’s” battery which was in serious jeopardy of being captured.  Unknown to the 5th New York, or Hazlett, was that the 1st Texas had fallen behind the rest of the Texas Brigade and were not yet upon them.  This gave Hazlett time to limber his guns and move to a safer place on Dogan Ridge – north of the Warrenton Turnpike.

Unfortunately, to Hazlett’s left were the unlucky men of the 5th New York Volunteers.  Having been caught unable to return fire, with the 10th New York retreating to their front, they suffered terribly in what John Hennessy described in his chapter the “Vortex of Hell.”  Men were literally falling inn rows as the Texas Brigade came upon them.  Forced to retreat towards Henry House Hill, nearly a mile to their rear, the few remaining Zouaves gathered around the regimental flag, which Warren had ordered jabbed into the ground.  As Hennessy described in his authoritative narrative on Second Manassas, “Warren sat immobile on his horse, looking back as if paralyzed, while a handful of his men, formed in files of four, blackened with dust and smoke, stood under the colors as silent as statues, gazing vacantly….A murmur of surprise and horror passed through the ranks of our Regulars at the fate of this brave regiment.”  With only sixty of its men filing under the regimental flag on Henry Hill, five hundred lay scattered - dead, wounded or missing - on the stubble field one mile to the west.  The scene of slaughter was not missed by the charging Confederates, with one of Hood’s men stating the scene was “a ghastly, horrifying spectacle.”(vi)  Nearly 300 brave Zouaves were shot, 120 killed.  This would endure as the largest single loss of life, in any one Federal regiment, during the entire Civil War – and it happened in only ten minutes.  Forty-five years later, when the survivors of the regiment gathered to dedicate their monument, one member was quoted as saying, “War has been designated as Hell, and I can assure you that where the regiment stood that day was the very vortex of Hell.”(vii)  Unfortunately, the Zouave blood of the 5th New York Volunteers, spread on the hill east of Lewis Lane, was shed in vain.  Longstreet’s scissor movement, into the left flank of John Pope’s Army of Virginia, was decisive – completely routing the Federal army and sending the army pellmell back towards Washington.  In the aftermath of the battle, Pope would be sent west to Minnesota and George McClellan would once again command all the Federal armies in the Eastern Theater.

Abram Duryée’s proud 5th New York Zouaves would continue to fight with the Army of the Potomac’s V Corps.  They were a shadow of their former strength, but would see further action at Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville before their two year term of enlistment expired.  They officially mustered out of Federal service on May 14, 1863 with their replacements being assigned to the 146th New York Infantry regiment.

The proud 5th New York Zouaves will always be remembered for their gallant actions at Second Manassas.  Today, their monument can be viewed by today’s generation of Civil War students, and future enthusiasts, on the ground they gave their “last full measure” to defend.  These proud Americans will always be remembered by me as true American HEROS!

(i) Donald, David Herbert, Lincoln, published by Simon & Schuster in 1995, Pg. 296.
(ii) For additional information, see 5th New York Volunteer Infantry Company C, by clicking HERE.
(iii) Sears, Stephen W., To the Gates of Richmond: The Peninsula Campaign, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1992, Pg. 224.
(iv) Hennessy, John J., Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas, published by the University of Oklahoma Press in 1999, Pg. 312.
(v) Hennessy, John J., Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas, published by the University of Oklahoma Press in 1999, Pg. 369.
(vi) Hennessy, John J., Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas, published by the University of Oklahoma Press in 1999, Pg. 372.
(vii) Hennessy, John J., Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas, published by the University of Oklahoma Press in 1999, Pg. 373.

147 years ago this week, US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s Army of the Potomac fought Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia in one of the most bloody, one sided engagements, of the entire American Civil War.  This was Burnside’s first major engagement as commander of Abraham Lincoln’s largest army.  It would also be his last full scale battle.  To say that Burnside was a reluctant commander is an understatement.  When Lincoln decided to relieve US Major General George B. McClellan from command, after failing to arrest Lee’s retreat into Virginia, after the Battle of Antietam, he had few choices.  It came down to Burnside or US Major General Joe Hooker – a behind the scenes schemer of the first order.  Burnside would have turned down the command if Lincoln’s second choice had been anyone other than Hooker.  The following short narrative is the story of Burnside’s first foray in command of the Army of the Potomac.  I wrote this a couple of years ago, for my other website, Battlefield Portraits and it is reprinted here in its entirety.

Battle of Fredericksburg

Location: Fredericksburg, VA
Dates: February 11-15, 1862
Union Commander:  Ambrose Burnside, Major General
Confederate Commander:  Robert E. Lee, General

Battle Summary:
In late September, 1862, the Union’s Army of the Potomac, commanded by US Major General George B. McClellan, expelled Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia from Sharpsburg, Maryland.  On September 17 these armies engaged in what would become the bloodiest single day in United States history -a battle that would be named after a lazy creek that runs through Sharpsburg – Antietam. While the battle was essentially a draw, it was greeted in the north as a resounding victory, prompting Lincoln to issue the Emancipation Proclamation.

Lincoln’s excitement turned to despair, however, as he tried to nudge McClellan into the offensive, while Lee’s army was most vulnerable to attack.  Finally, in late October, 1862, McClellan put his army in motion, entering into Virginia, skirting the east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains.  Unfortunately, he moved very sluggishly.  Lincoln, in an effort to speed McClellan, wired his commander that his army was closer to Richmond than Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia.  At the same time, Lincoln made private vow to remove “Little Mac” if he let Lee’s army get between him and Richmond.  On November 7, Lincoln had had enough.  He sent US Brigadier General C.P. Buckingham to McClellan’s headquarters, at Rectortown, with orders to remove McClellan.  The same orders placed US Major General Ambrose Burnside in command of the Union’s Army of the Potomac.

Ambrose Burnside, was a reluctant commander.  Friends with McClellan, he preferred to have a supporting role in the east, rather than overall command.  Fearing the commanding role would devolve, upon his nemesis, Joe Hooker, Burnside accepted the new position.  Burnside would be the third commander of the Army of the Potomac, and was an 1847 graduate of West Point.

Burnside wasted little time.  By November 15, he had his army in motion.  His plan was to flank Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, crossing the Rappahannock River above, and below, Fredericksburg.  By choosing Fredericksburg as his point to launch into the Rebel army, he would only have to cross the Rappahannock River.  If he were to take the more direct route, he would have two formidable rivers to cross – the Rappahannock and the Rapidan.  A quick movement would assure surprise and would catch the Army of Northern Virginia in a vulnerable position - as it was falling back to protect Richmond.

Burnside also changed the organizational structure of his army.  While retaining the overall Corps structure, he organized his Corps into three grand divisions.  The Right Grand Division, commanded by US Major General Edwin Sumner, would include the II Corps, commanded by Major General Darius Couch, and the IX Corps, commanded by Brigadier General Orlando Willcox.  The Center Grand Division, commanded by US Major General Joseph Hooker, would include the III Corps, commanded by Brigadier General George Stoneman, and the V Corps, commanded by Brigadier General Daniel Butterfield.  The Left Grand Division, commanded by US Major General William Franklin, would include the I Corps, commanded by Major General John Reynolds, and the VI Corps, commanded by Major General William F. “Baldy” Smith.

By November 17, the flanking move seemed to be working.  Sumner’s Grand Division had arrived on the east bank of the Rappahannock and were at Stafford Heights, immediately opposite Fredericksburg.  The rest of Burnside’s army arrived shortly afterwards.  Unfortunately, a mix up at the war department slowed the arrival of the pontoon bridging equipment necessary to ford the Rappahannock.  Burnside would wait a week for his pontoons to arrive.  It was at this same time that Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was also arriving at Fredericksburg.  This effectively made Burnside’s plan, for an unopposed crossing of the river, impossible.

The mighty Army of Northern Virginia was clearly arrayed behind Fredericksburg.  Facing Burnside was the powerful 1st Corps of CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet.  His Corps was occupying the high ground, beyond Fredericksburg, known as Marye’s Heights.  Fearing a feint at Fredericksburg, and a general movement downstream, Lee had positioned much of his 2d Corps, commanded by CSA Lieutenant General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson, 20 miles downstream.  Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was close to 80,000 troops strong, facing a very impressive Union army of over 110,000 troops.

During the overnight hours of December 11, Burnside deployed his engineers to build pontoon bridges at three crossings: the Upper, Middle and Lower.  Work went smoothly until the first rays of sun started to burn through the fog.  Once the engineers were visible, they became easy targets for the single brigade assigned to guard against such a crossing.  CSA Brigadier General William Barksdale’s Brigade, comprised of soldiers from Florida, and Mississippi, was posted in the lower downtown area.

After Barksdale’s Brigade started its deadly shooting, Burnside determined to use his heavy artillery, posted at Stafford Heights, to force them out of town.  For over an hour, the big Union guns fired into the town of Fredericksburg.  All told, over 7,000 shells were fired, by 150 heavy guns, into the town of Fredericksburg.  Unfortunately, Barksdale’s Brigade was unharmed by the massive bombardment.  When the engineers went back to work, they were picked off easily by the Rebel infantry.  Finally, it was decided that Federal infantry would use the pontoons as boats, to storm the opposite bank.  The small “shock” force quickly dislodged Barksdale’s Brigade, pushing them through the streets of Fredericksburg in some of the only urban street fighting during the Civil War.  Burnside’s engineers quickly finished the pontoon bridges, allowing Federal infantry to occupy Fredericksburg on the evening of December 11.

In the meantime, Lee, recognizing that there would not be a crossing further downstream, recalled Jackson’s 2d Corps, assigning them to an area due south of Longstreet.  This line, stretching south of Fredericksburg, was naturally strong as Jackson’s troops could dig into the hillside of a long bluff, Prospect Hill, under the cover of trees.  Jackson was confident that his position would be very strong.

On December 12 the majority of the Army of the Potomac crossed into Fredericksburg.  Unfortunately, the abandoned town was too much for the men with looting, vandalism and drinking commonplace throughout the streets, parlors and homes of Fredericksburg.  After the main battle, when questioned about how he would handle the Union debauchery, Stonewall Jackson said, “Kill them, sir, kill every man!”

On the unusually warm, and foggy morning, of Saturday, December 13, US Major General William Franklin’s Left Grand Division was tasked with assaulting the heights, south of town, held by Jackson’s 2d Corps.  Due to rather ambiguous language in Burnside’s orders, Franklin was given discretion on how he would feed his grand division into battle.  With close to 60,000 soldiers at his disposal, he determined to send in only one division, commanded by US Major General George G. Meade.  Later in the battle he would receive support from two other divisions, commanded by brigadier generals Abner Doubleday, and John Gibbon.  Moving into position, to attack Jackson’s line, Meade’s division was enfiladed by one battery of Rebel cannon, commanded by CSA Major John Pelham.  The fire from the guns was very accurate, and destructive.  Gibbon would dispatch one brigade, of Wisconsin and Indiana troops, to silence Pelham’s Horse Artillery.  These troops, the only all Western brigade in the Army of the Potomac, had earned the well deserved moniker, “Iron Brigade,” during their action at the Battle of South Mountain.

After dislodging Pelham’s artillery, Meade sent his troops against Jackson’s entrenched infantry and artillery.  The area they struck was a sliver of woods that crossed the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac railroad tracks.  While they had heavy casualties in crossing the open ground, to these woods, they did enjoy a breakthrough near the tracks.  In this area the Confederates would forever lose the services of CSA Brigadier General Maxcy Gregg.  He would be mortally wounded during Meade’s breakthrough.  Jackson immediately funneled new troops into the area of Meade’s breakthrough, and having very little support, Meade was forced to pull back beyond the tracks, and the Richmond Stage Road.

The second phase – and the better known phase of the Battle of Fredericksburg – against Longstreet’s 1st Corps started when Burnside observed Meade’s repulse.  Originally designed to start when Franklin’s Left Grand Division had started to roll up Lee’s right flank, Sumner’s Right Grand Division was to assault Longstreet’s Corps, approximately 1/2 mile beyond Fredericksburg, on Marye’s Heights.  Wave, after wave, of Union soldiers marched through Fredericksburg, across the open fields, the Canal Ditch and up the hill, only to be annihilated before they reached the stone wall, beyond which was a sunken road.  Here CSA Brigadier General Thomas R.R. Cobb’s Georgia brigade poured out a withering fire.  While Cobb would be mortally wounded by an artillery shell, his brigade would mow down successive waves of divisions and brigades.  Even the vaunted Irish Brigade would be chewed up trying to reach the Sunken Road.

By sunset, the fighting had sputtered to an end.  The weather, however, changed for the worst.  Soldiers who had thrown aside their jackets, and blankets, in the balmy weather of December 13, were greeted with sub-freezing temperatures overnight.  The area between Marye’s Heights, and Fredericksburg, became a “no man’s land,” where the slightest movement by a Federal soldier would illicit a shot from the Confederates.  Besides dying from their injuries, Union soldiers also froze to death where they had fallen.  On December 14, CSA Sergeant Richard R. Kirkland, of the 2d South Carolina Infantry regiment, asked CSA Brigadier General Joseph Kershaw if he could aid the wounded Federal soldiers begging for water.  At first Kershaw declined Kirkland’s request, but later would allow him to move into the “no man’s land.”  However, he refused his request to carry a white flag, which would have protected him.  Nineteen year old Kirkland gathered as many canteens as he could, filling them with water, and stepped out over the wall.  Sporadic musketry failed to hit him and when the Federal soldiers understood his humanitarian intentions they, along with many Confederate soldiers, cheered him.  He walked among the wounded soldiers giving them water and helping those he could.  After his canteens were emptied, he returned back to his post and his duties as an infantryman.  Known as the “Angel of Marye’s Heights,” Kirkland would continue to fight with the 2d South Carolina until he was killed charging Snodgrass Hill, during the Battle of Chickamauga.

During the Battle of Fredericksburg, Robert E. Lee was quoted, “It is well that war is so terrible – lest we should grow too fond of it.”  How right he was.

While Burnside was determined to make additional attacks against Marye’s Heights, even stating he would lead them himself, he would decide to heed his lieutenants’ advice against doing so.  While the two armies held their positions through the day of December 15, Burnside would retreat across the Rappahannock River during the early morning hours of December 16.  Thus ended the horrific battle of Fredericksburg, an unequaled rout of the Army of the Potomac that ultimately provided no benefit to the Union arms.

Campaign: Fredericksburg

Outcome: Confederate victory

Troop Strengths
Union: 115,000
Confederate: 78,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 12,600 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 5,300 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
The butcher’s bill for Fredericksburg was very high.  The north was appalled at the waste of life that ultimately provided no advantage to the Union war effort.  On January 20, in an effort to resuscitate his career, Burnside tried one more flanking movement, this time against Lee’s left flank.  What would become known as the “Mud March” would further demoralize his army, and lead quickly to another change in commanders for the Army of the Potomac.  Both armies would remain in their relative positions for the remainder of the winter, before they would meet again, just a few miles west, at a sleepy crossroads called Chancellorsville. 

While Abraham Lincoln was not willing to lose the services of Burnside, he was compelled to remove him from the Eastern Theater.  Burnside, along with his IX Corps, would be transferred to the Department of the Ohio, which Burnside would command through 1863.  In early 1864 he would return to the Army of the Potomac, where he would continue to command the IX Corps through the Overland Campaign.  In front of Petersburg, in July 1864, Burnside would approve the explosion of the Crater on July 30.  Proving a debacle, US Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant would relieve him of command on August 14, 1864.  He would not command another field army during the Civil War.  On April 15, the day Lincoln would fall to an assassin’s bullet, Burnside officially resigned his army commission.  After the Civil War, Burnside would take executive positions with several railroads.  He would be elected to three one year terms as Governor of Rhode Island.  From 1871–1872 he would be the commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic.  Burnside would serve as the first president of the National Rifle Association when it was formed in 1871.  His service to his country was still not concluded.  In 1874 Rhode Island would elect him U.S. Senator.  He would be re-elected in 1870 and would serve until his death on September 13, 1881.  He is buried in Swan Point Cemetery, in Providence, Rhode Island.

###

As most of you are aware, I am very interested in the smaller units of the Civil War.  The volunteer infantry regiments comprised the backbone of the opposing armies of the American Civil War.  Most regiments were comprised of ten companies, with each company having approximately 100 soldiers when mustered into service.  The fighting men of each company were the private soldiers.  These heroes, who more often than not have become nameless over the generations, served selflessly to reunite our once fractured United States.  They were the fighters.  In his book, “Co. Aytch,” Sam Watkins of the 1st Tennessee Infantry Regiment (CSA), summed it up perfectly when he said, “I always shot at privates.  It was they that did the shooting and killing, and if I could kill or wound a private, why, my chances were so much the better.” 

So it was with the 121st New York Infantry.  Salvatore G. Cilella’s recent book, “Upton’s Regulars: The 121st New York Infantry in the Civil War,” is the story of the foot soldiers from that famous New York Volunteer regiment.  Breaking new ground, by not just studying the battle history of the 121st, Cilella’s cutting edge book explores the lives of the soldiers, before, during and after the conflict.  Made famous by their second commander, Colonel Emory Upton, the 121st New York was considered unequaled in the proud VI Corps, Army of the Potomac.  Upton drilled the men and earned their trust, respect and loyalty.  On the parade ground they operated with precision, but on the battlefield they earned their laurels by hard fighting.  During the battle of Salem Church, part of the Chancellorsville Campaign, they would be decimated by an ambush engineered by CSA Brigadier General Cadmus Wilcox.  At the battle of Rappahannock Station, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers by storming their bridgehead.  In May 1864, they would arrive at Spotsylvania Court House with an effective strength of 460 soldiers, of all arms.  After Upton’s gallant charge of the Mule Shoe salient, and the fighting at the “Bloody Angle,” they would be reduced to 94 – with only four field officers left unscathed.  They would continue to cement their reputation during US Major General Phil Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Campaign, with solid battlefield performances at Third Winchester, Fisher’s Hill and Cedar Creek.  During the waning months of the war, they would fight in the trenches in front of Petersburg and perform heroically, while being flanked on two sides, at Hatcher’s Run.  Saving one of their best battlefield exploits for the Battle of Sailor’s Creek, they would capture over 1,000 Confederate soldiers, including CSA Major General George Washington Custis (G.W.C.) Lee – son of Robert E. Lee.  Arriving at Appomattox Station, on April 9, 1865, they were prepared to offer battle again – but were spared by Lee’s surrender to Ulysses S. Grant.  While their regimental battle flag proudly carried the names of the battles they fought in, four members of the regiment would earn the Medal of Honor for individual gallantry: Seymour H. Hall, Warren Dockum, Benjamin Gifford and Harris Hawthorne.  All told, 1,800 soldiers served in the 121st, with nearly 740 becoming battlefield casualties, or dying of disease.

“Upton’s Regulars” is a monumental study of these brave fighting men.  Cilella, no stranger to history, is the president and CEO of the Atlanta History Center.  His biography of the 121st New York will take you on a journey with the soldiers.  Beginning with the recruitment of the regiment and taking you through the publication of its regimental history, in 1921, his fast paced book is hard to put down.  I recently had the distinct pleasure of interviewing Mr. Cilella.  The following interview, like all of my author interviews, is divided into parts, so you can listen to it at your leisure.  This is a book that I recommend for any serious student of the Civil War, or anyone interested in what it meant to be foot soldier during the American Civil War.

Details about “Upton’s Regulars”
Written by: Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr.
Hardcover: 586 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: June 11, 2009
ISBN-10: 0700616454

 

Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr. Interview – 14 Parts
Total Time: 1 hour, 30 minutes, 42 seconds

Part 1:

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Time: 7:35
Contents: Introductions | Sal’s interest in history and the Civil War | Authors and historians that influenced Sal’s interest in the Civil War | Alan Nolan’s influence on “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 2:

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Time: 5:57
Contents: Discussion on “Upton’s Regulars” | Why the 121st New York Volunteer Infantry? | Otsego and Herkimer counties and the 121st New York | Recruiting the 121st New York

Part 3:

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Time: 6:12
Contents: The “three phases” on the Civil War | Lincoln’s call for 300,000 soldiers in 1862 – 50,000 quick recruits can bring the war to an end?

Part 4:

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Time: 7:39
Contents: The use of bounties to entice new recruits | A “patchwork” of bounties in New York | Mustering in at Camp Schuyler with Colonel Richard Franchot

Part 5:

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Time: 4:09
Contents: Transferring to Washington, D.C. | The Maryland Campaign – hard marching and disease | Colonel Franchot leading his men shows his limited knowledge of the military arts

Part 6:

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Time: 5:21
Contents: Franchot’s resignation and the forgotten commander – Charlie Clark | Emory Upton’s promotion to regimental command and his visits to convalescing soldiers | Clark prepares the 121st New York for command by West Pointer, Emory Upton | Cross-training the line officers of the 121st

Part 7:

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Time: 8:28
Contents: Severe level of disease in the 121st New York during its first year of service | The use of firsthand accounts and primary source material in telling the soldiers’ stories | Researching “Upton’s Regulars”

Part 8:

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Time: 6:03
Contents: Emory Upton’s drilling and training molds the 121st New York | Caught in a ambush – the 121st and its terrible losses at the Battle of Salem Church and enduring their first large scale engagement

Part 9:

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Time: 8:20
Contents: Upton’s misstep in recruiting veteran soldiers for the depleted ranks of the 121st | The trying march to Gettysburg | Pursuing Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia | Desertion and the execution of Thomas Jewett | The 5th Maine Infantry – sister regiment of the 121st New York

Part 10:

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Time: 4:53
Contents: To go into winter camp or not to? | The Battle of Rappahannock Station | Rappahannock Station a defining battle for the 121st New York

Part 11:

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Time: 4:29
Contents: Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant and the Overland Campaign | Egbert Olcott assumes command of the 121st with Upton’s promotion to brigadier general | The Battle of the Wilderness | Upton’s Charge of the Mule Shoe salient at Spotsylvania Court House | Decimation at the Mule Shoe and the “Bloody Angle”

Part 12:

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Time: 5:26
Contents: The 121st arrives in Washington to protect against CSA Lt. General Jubal Early’s advance into Maryland | Serving under US Major General Philip Sheridan in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign | The battle of Cedar Creek and Sheridan’s brilliant counter attack

Part 13:

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Time: 8:28
Contents: The terrible winter months of 1865 in front of Petersburg, Virginia | The battle of Hatcher’s Run | The collapse of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia and the battle of Sailor’s Creek | The decades long controversy of who captured CSA Major General G.W.C. Lee | Harris Hawthorne receives the Medal of Honor – the controversy still smolders | The VI Corps delayed arrival in Washington D.C. after Appomattox Station and suffers through their own “Grand Review”

Part 14:

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Time: 7:42
Contents: Saving the best for last – post Civil War history of the 121st New York Volunteers | Future projects Mr. Cilella is working on | Wrap up and closing

Other Great Civil War titles from the University Press of Kansas

Details about “Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era”
Written by: Nicole Etcheson
Paperback: 370 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: December 31, 2003
ISBN-10: 0700614923

 

Details about “Citizen Sherman: A Life of William Tecumseh Sherman”
Written by: Michael Fellman
Paperback: 504 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: July 9, 1995
ISBN-10: 0700608400

 
 

Details about “Commanding the Army of the Potomac”
Written by: Stephen R. Taaffe
Hardcover: 284 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 23, 2006
ISBN-10: 0700614516

 

 

Details about “Guide to the Atlanta Campaign”
Written by: Jay Luvas (editor) and Harold W. Nelson (editor)
Paperback: 383 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: May 7, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700615709

 

 
Details about “Jefferson Davis, Confederate President”
Written by: Herman Hattaway and Richard E. Beringer
Paperback: 566 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 30, 2002
ISBN-10: 0700612939

 

 

Details about “Joseph E. Johnston and the Defense of Richmond”
Written by: Steven H. Newton
Hardcover: 278 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: November 1998
ISBN-10: 0700609210

 

 

Details about “Lincoln Seen and Heard”
Written by: Harold Holzer
Hardcover: 226 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 2000
ISBN-10: 0700610014

 

  

Details about “Stonewall of the West: Patrick Cleburne and the Civil War”
Written by: Craig L. Symonds
Paperback: 328 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: February 28, 1997
ISBN-10: 0700609342

 
 

Details about “The Confederacy’s Greatest Cavalryman: Nathan Bedford Forrest”
Written by: Brian Steel Wills
Paperback: 457 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: April 1998
ISBN-10: 0700608850

 
 

Details about “The Rifle Musket in Civil War Combat”
Written by: Earl J. Hess
Hardcover: 288 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: September 9, 2008
ISBN-10: 0700616071

 
 

Details about “The War Within the Union High Command”
Written by: Thomas Joseph Goss
Hardcover: 320 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: August 2003
ISBN-10: 0700612637

 

 
###

Seymour “Hiram” Hall was born in Barkersville, New York on September 26, 1835.  Little is known of Hiram’s early life.  With the outbreak of the Civil War, and Abraham Lincoln’s call for 75,000 state militia volunteers on April 15, 1861, Hiram would begin recruiting soldiers for the 27th New York Infantry.  On May 21, 1861 he would be commissioned second lieutenant of Company G and be mustered into Federal service on June 15, 1861 in Elmira, New York.  On April 25, he would be promoted to captain.  He would lead his company at First Bull Run, the Peninsula Campaign, Seven Days, South Mountain, Antietam and Fredericksburg.  The 27th New York would officially muster out of Federal service on May 31, 1863.  The three year soldiers in the 27th would be assigned to the 16th New York Battalion, commanded by Hall.(i)

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.

The Maryland Campaign has always been one of my favorite campaigns  in the eastern theater.  CSA General Robert E. Lee’s first incursion on northern soil was designed to take advantage of the momentum the Army of Northern Virginia experienced after defeating US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia at Second Manassas.  Lee believing the northern armies were badly demoralized, disorganized and suffering from a broken command structure felt confident of his success.  Additionally Lee, and the Confederate government, believed that a decisive victory on northern soil would impact the fall elections, giving the Peace Democrats more control in the Federal legislature and foreign recognition from France and England.  With the hope of adding new recruits to his battered army, he anticipated adding many loyal Marylanders to his army.  Crossing the Potomac River, in early September, he would remove the combatants from Northern Virginia bringing some relief to the citizens of Virginia and allowing him to feed his army from the fields of Maryland.

John David Hoptak, a National Park Service Ranger at Antietam, brings his terrific knowledge of the Maryland Campaign to his new book, “Our Boys Did Nobly: Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, Soldiers at the Battles of South Mountain and Antietam.”  Hoptak provides a wonderful narrative of the battles of South Mountain and Antietam – many details which I have never read before.  While not a complete narrative of these battles, “Our Boys Did Nobly,” provides many new details from these battles that were gathered during years of research.  Much of the new information is primary source material, from the soldiers, that  has previously been untapped.  Hoptak’s book focuses on the soldiers from Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania who fought in the 48th Pennsylvania, 96th Pennsylvania and two companies of the 50th Pennsylvania Infantry.  By the fall of 1862 most of the soldiers in these regiments had seen active service in the Carolinas and Virginia.  The young men came from farms, coal mines, dry goods stores and colleges.  They would fight bravely and many would pay the ultimate sacrifice, for their beloved Country, at Fox’s Gap, Crampton’s Gap and the fields along Antietam Creek.  The 48th and 50th Pennsylvania would be assigned to US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps and would fight at Fox’s Gap and in Burnside’s attack on the Southern sector of Antietam.  Many of the young men would not muster out until the end of the Civil War, participating the the final Grand Review in May 1865.  The 96th Pennsylvania would fight in US Major General William Franklin’s VI Corps and were severely punished at Crampton’s Gap.  They would muster out of service during US Major General Philip Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Campaign.

For those of you, like me, that have an unquenchable thirst for the Maryland Campaign, this book will be a fascinating page turner, from an expert on Lee’s first invasion of the North.  For novice Civil War enthusiasts, the book is written in such a way that is easy to follow, and understand.  Written in terrific prose, the book is both fun to read and very detailed.  The epilogue provides Hoptak’s report card on the commanding generals and details of McClellan’s missed opportunities.  I would definitely recommend that you purchase this book as it will make an excellent addition to your Civil War library.

I recently had the opportunity to speak with John, who being from Schuylkill County, is very passionate about the soldiers from his home.  Hoptak provides insights into his research, stories of the soldiers during the Maryland Campaign and his assessment of the overall campaign.  As with all of my interviews, I’ve separated it into multiple parts so you can easily listen to them, at your leisure, and come back to the next part when you are ready.

About “Our Boys Did Nobly”
Author: John David Hoptak
Paperback: 358 pages
Distributed by: Ten Roads Publishing, LLC
ISBN-10: 0557088968

 

 

 

 

John David Hoptak Interview – 10 Parts
Total Time: 54 minutes, 53 seconds

Part 1 

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Time: 4:44
Contents: Welcome and introductions | About John Hoptak | Becoming a Park Ranger at Antietam | Background on “Our Boys Did Nobly” | Distribution by Ten Roads Publishing

Part 2 

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Time: 5:05
Contents: George B. McClellan – delusional while at Antietam? | The changing view of McClellan over 14 decades

Part 3 

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Time: 5:22
Contents: The men of Schuylkill County at South Mountain | Redemption of Colonel Henry Cake

Part 4 

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Time: 5:17
Contents: The 96th loses Captain Lewis Martin and Lt. John Doherty and eight color bearers at Crampton’s Gap | Severe losses of the 96th at Crampton’s Gap | The 48th and 50th Pennsylvania at Fox’s Gap | The loss of US Major General Jesse Reno

Part 5 

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Time: 6:45
Contents: The maturation of the boys from Schuylkill County | South Mountain a tactical Union victory? | Researching “Our Boys Did Nobly” | New primary source material

Part 6  

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Time: 6:59
Contents: The 48th Pennsylvania’s surprise after crossing Burnside Bridge | Ambrose Burnside at Antietam

Part 7 

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Time: 6:29
Contents: Diversion or assault for the IX Corps | Tactical issues involving the IX Corps’ approach to Burnside Bridge | Bravery of the Schuylkill County boys

Part 8 

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Time: 5:52
Contents: The last charge at Antietam | The forgotten sector of Antietam Battlefield | Robert E. Lee: To fight or not to fight?

Part 9 

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Time: 6:05
Contents: Army of Northern Virginia faced destruction at Antietam | George B. McClellan’s lost opportunities

Part 10 

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Time: 2:15
Contents: Future plans and what’s in the works | Wrap up and closing

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For the past week, I have been reading a very interesting new book on the history of the 121st New York Infantry.  By Salvatore G. Cilella, Jr., “Upton’s Regulars: The 121st New York Infantry in the Civil War,” details the history of this famous regiment, commanded by young Emory Upton.  While reading about the 121st at Rappahannock Station, and the following Mine Run Campaign, I came upon a quote that as first struck me as humorous, but then caused me to realize the horrors of war on civilians.

After three freezing cold days, opposite Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, at Mine Run, commanding general of the Union Army of the Potomac, Major General George Meade decided to call the attack off.  For the men in US Major Andrew Mather’s 121st NYV Infantry (Colonel Upton was commanding their brigade at this time), which was posted in the first attacking line, it felt like the reprieve of a death sentence.  John Hartwell, from Company C, aptly described the relief he felt after Meade called off the attack, writing his wife he stated, “(Meade would have been without an army and she)…would have been without a husband.”(i)

Now, getting to the quote that caused me to chuckle, followed by no little guilt when taking the civilian plight into consideration, I must provide some additional detail.  After pulling back from their Mine Run line, the 121st regimental surgeon, Dr. Daniel Holt commandeered a secesh house, and its out-buildings, for a field hospital.  The home’s owner, a tanner by trade, vacated his home, leaving his daughters behind.  The daughters, were described as, “Fair specimens of Southern Chivalry – snuff dipping, dilapidated, lantern jawed bipeds of neuter gender.”(ii)  When these young ladies were told that the army had taken their home, they promptly expressed the hope that it would burn down, “with every damned Yankee in it!”  Dr. Daniel Bland, a staff surgeon, assured them it would burn down, but with no Yankees in it.  Several hours later, after they were done using the house, it and the out-buildings were put to the torch.

While the quote describing the young southern ladies may be humorous, when put in context of what happened to their home, it demonstrates how deeply the Civil War affected the lives of civilians.  As a student and amateur scholar of the Civil War, sometimes I find myself enamored with the fighting, often forgetting how terrible the fratricidal war was for the civilians that were randomly caught in its action.  Sometimes I need to reflect on a very popular quote from US Major General William Tecumseh Sherman, “War is hell,” and remember that it was not glamorous, chivalrous or anything close to romantic.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Jr., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 248.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Jr., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 248.

Earlier this month, I was fortunate enough to have business in New Jersey.  This provided all the incentive necessary for me to take a day off of work to visit Gettysburg.  Less than two hours from Philadelphia, Gettysburg is easy to visit.  It amazes me when I talk to my friends, who live within several hours of Gettysburg, that they have never visited this national treasure.  Many of these friends have younger children that would really enjoy visiting the battlefield.

I was also fortunate to meet with author, and friend, Jim Hessler for dinner and few adult beverages.  If you have not picked up Jim’s new book, “Sickles at Gettysburg” (published by Savas Beatie, LLC in June), I would recommend that you do so.  It has really improved my knowledge of the second day’s fight and I have a new found appreciation for how tenuous the situation was in the III Corps’ sector.  Check out my review of “Sickles at Gettysburg” and interview with James Hessler by clicking HERE.

While with Jim, I met some new Gettysburg friends.  John Hoptak, Tim Smith, Eric Lindblade, Jim Glessner and Erik Dorr.  John Hoptak is a National Park Service Ranger at Antietam and has recently published “Our Boys Did Nobly: Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, Soldiers at the Battles of South Mountain and Antietam.”  This is a wonderful book and I plan on reviewing it soon.  Tim Smith is not only an author, but the Gettysburg Historian Extraordinaire and knows just about everything about the Battle of Gettysburg – and he proved it to me in a very short time!  Eric Lindblade and Jim Glessner recently formed a new publishing house, Ten Roads Publishing.  I definitely look forward to working with them in the future.  Lastly, Erik Dorr is the curator of The Gettysburg Museum of History.  This museum is a “must see” for anyone with an interest in Gettysburg – or American Military History.  Hopefully my next visit to Gettysburg will provide me enough time to visit Erik’s museum.

This was my third trip to Gettysburg during 2009.  It has been interesting to watch the transformation of some areas where the National Park Service is clear cutting ground to reestablish the sight lines of the summer of 1863.  This is especially noticeable southwest of the Devil’s Den, over the ground that CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s Georgian’s approached Houck’s Ridge and Devil’s Den.  The National Park Service has been quite busy in the area and the results are very evident.

Click HERE to read an official report from Gettysburg National Military Park on the rehabilitation effort and the status of the project.

CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s Approach – May 2007

Here is a photo that I took, from Little Round Top, in May 2007.  If you look over the Devil’s Den area, you can see how wooded the area of Benning’s attack was.  In 1863 this area was primarily rocky fields with small woodlots scattered about.  By 2007, the woodlots had grown together giving the area a much different look than Benning’s Georgians would have seen as they pushed towards Houck’s Ridge, and the Devil’s Den.

 
 

This is a much closer view, from May 2007, of the fields that Benning’s Georgians pushed through to reach Houck’s Ridge and the Devil’s Den.  While this is a rocky field, the woods in the distance were not there in 1863.  From this angle on Houck’s Ridge, above the Devil’s Den, you would have been able to see the Slyder farm in the distance.

 

 

 

 

 
CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s Approach – April 2008

This view is nearly identical to the picture taken in May 2007, from Little Round Top.  In May 2007 (see the first photo above), the area southwest of Houck’s Ridge was nearly a continuous woodlot, running from the east to the west (L-R).  In this photo, the highlighted area is clearly much more open, with views unimpeded to South Confederate Avenue.

 

 

CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s Approach – October 2009

This view is from October 2009, from the point of approach of CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s Georgia Brigade.  Taken at the Slyder Farm, you can clearly see Houck’s Ridge on the left, and the south slope of Little Round Top, via the Slaughter Pen, on the right.  The large tree behind the arrowhead, is the “witness tree” on Houck’s Ridge, above the Devil’s Den.  This sight line would have been much as Benning’s Georgians would have seen as they approached US Major General David B. Birney’s III Corps Division, on the afternoon of July 2, 1863.

 

A Study In Contrasts – Gettysburg Then and Now

After spending some time researching my pictures of CSA Brigadier General Henry Benning’s approach to the Devil’s Den, I decided to look at other areas of the battlefield that have changed significantly over the previous 14 decades.  I determined the best way to do this would be to compare pictures of fixed objects to old photos of the same area.  Fixed objects would be no problem as I have hundreds of pictures of regimental, cavalry, artillery and brigade monuments – many of which go back several years.  The dilemma was to find historical pictures of the monuments.  After searching the internet, I came across a great site, Stephen Recker’s Virtual Gettysburg.  This site is a wonderful Gettysburg site and one that I will continue to reference for articles I write about Gettysburg.  Besides Virtual Gettysburg, Recker also has a similar site on Antietam, Stephen Recker’s Virtual Anietam.  Virtual Gettysburg offered access to many historical pictures of the monuments at Gettysburg.  All of the pictures in the following photo essay come from Virtual Gettysburg.  I am deeply indebted to Stephen for allowing me to use them.  It should be noted that none of the monuments were erected during the war years.  The first monuments began appearing in the years after the war, but most were placed in the 1880’s and some as late as the latter part of the 20th Century.  I do not know the dates of the “THEN” monument pictures so this is not a scientific study – just something fun and interesting to look at.  So, let’s begin to explore some areas of Gettyburg battlefield that have changed significantly over the years.

143d Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment Monument

The 143d Pennsylvania Infantry was heavily engaged in the first day’s fighting at Gettysburg, July 1, 1863.  This monument is located facing Chambersburg Pike, from the south, near South Reynolds Avenue on McPherson Ridge.  The most noticable difference between “THEN and “NOW” is the cedar tree growing behind the monument.  More significant is the expansion of the Reynolds Woods in the distance.

About the 143d Pennsylvania Infantry
* US Major General John F. Reynolds’ I Corps
* US Major General Abner Doubleday’s Third Division
* US Colonel Roy Stone’s Second Brigade
* Commanded by Colonel Edmund L. Dana
* Strength: 465 Casualties: 253(i)

 

Today, the 143d Pennsylvania Infantry regiment monument looks unchanged from the earlier picture.  The most noticeable change, as mentioned above, is the cedar tree growing southwest of the monument – providing it shade 365 days per year.  The most significant change, however, is the density and size of Reynolds’ Woods, in the distance.

 

 

 

 

The 76th New York Infantry Regiment Monument

Like the 143d Pennsylvania, the 76th New York was part of John Reynolds’ I Corps and was heavily engaged during the first day’s fight at Gettysburg.  Fighting north of the railroad cut, it would engage CSA Brigadier General Joseph R. Davis’ 3d Corps Brigade.  This picture, likely from the late 19th century, clearly shows some trees in the background, south of present day Wadsworth Avenue.

About the 76th Pennsylvania Infantry
* US Major General John F. Reynold’s I Corps
* US Brigadier General James Wadsworth’s First Division
* US Brigadier General Lysander Cutler’s Second Brigade
* Commanded by Major Andrew J. Grover (killed)
* Strength: 375 Casualties: 234

 

Standing on McPherson Ridge, north of the railroad cut, the 76th New York Infantry monument looks much the same as it did after it was erected.  The most significant difference is the expansion, and thickening of the woodlot, in the distance, south of Wadsworth Avenue.

 

 

 

 

 
The 104th New York Infantry Regiment Monument

The 104th New York Infantry regiment would be sent to the northern spur of Oak Ridge, to support US Brigadier General Henry Baxter’s Second Division, I Corps brigade.  Baxter was heavily engaged with CSA Brigadier General Alfred Iverson’s 2d Corps brigade when the 104th New York arrived.  This period specific photo, probably from the late 19th century, clearly shows a landscape clear of trees, all the way to Barlow’s Knoll.

About the 104th New York Infantry
* US Major General John F. Reynolds’ I Corps
* US Brigadier General John C. Robinson’s Second Division
* US Brigadier General Gabriel R. Paul’s First Brigade
* Commanded by Colonel Gilbert G. Prey
* Strength: 286 Casualties: 194

 

Today, the 104th New York Infantry monument sits on a shaded knoll below Brigadier General John Cleveland Robinson’s monument.  This picture is taken from a slightly different angle, but you can clearly see trees in the distance, towards Barlow’s Knoll.

 

 

 

 

 

The 1st U.S. Sharpshooter’s Monument

On the afternoon of July 2, 1863, US Major General David B. Birney sent Colonel Henry Berdan’s 1st U.S. Sharpshooters, and the 3d Maine Infantry, to scout near the center of the Confederate line, close to the Pitzer Woods.  When they reached Seminary Ridge, they engaged CSA Brigadier General Cadmus Wilcox’s Alabama brigade.  The “THEN” picture, to the left, clearly shows the 1st U.S. Sharpshooter’s monument on a hill, as written in Berdan’s after action report.  The view is to the northeast and there are few trees in the picture.

About the 1st U.S. Sharpshooters Regiment
* US Major General Daniel E. Sickles’ III Corps
* US Major General David B. Birney’s First Division
* US Brigadier General J. Hobart Ward’s Second Brigade
* Commanded by Colonel Hiram Berdan
* Strength: 313 Casualties: 49
 

Today, Colonel Hiram Berdan’s 1st U.S. Sharpshooters’ monument sits on a shaded hill on Berdan Avenue, just west of West Confederate Avenue.  While this view is towards the south, the entire area around the monument is surrounded by tall trees, much like those in this picture.  This area of West Confederate Avenue has changed significantly over the years.

 

 

 

 

The 5th New York Cavalry Monument

The 5th New York Cavalry was part of US Brigadier General Elon J. Farnsworth’s Cavalry Brigade.  Farnsworth was ordered to attack CSA Lt. General James Longstreet’s right flank on the afternoon of July 3.  The attack would be initiated from Bushman Hill, where the 5th New York Cavalry monument is located.  The changes in the landscape here are quite visible.  This picture, likely from the late 19th century, shows scattered trees on this hill.  They have since grown up significantly.

About the 5th New York Cavalry
* US Major General Alfred Pleasanton’s Cavalry Corps
* US Brigadier General Judson Kilpatrick’s Third Division
* US Brigadier General Elon J. Farnsworth’s First Brigade
* Commanded by Major John Hammond
* Strength: 420 Casualties: 6
 

Today, the 5th New York Cavalry monument, on Bushman Hill, has darkened.  Additionally, the trees surrounding the monument have grown significantly.  Standing at the monument you cannot see the fields around the Slyder Farm.  At Gettysburg, the trees were thin enough that Longstreet’s soldiers could be seen.  This is one of the most dramatic areas of change at Gettysburg.

 

 

 

 

The 52d New York Infantry Regiment Monument

The 52d New York Infantry was part of the reinforcements sent to the III Corps by II Corps commander, US Major General Winfield S. Hancock.  Part of Samuel Zook’s brigade, the 52d would fight near the present day Loop.  This is another dramatic change at Gettysburg.  The woods here have thickened considerably.  The older photo shows significantly less trees.

About the 52d New York Infantry
* US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps
* US Brigadier General John Caldwell’s First Division
* US Brigadier General Samuel K. Zook’s Third Brigade
* Commanded by Lt. Colonel Charles G. Freudenberg
* Strength: 134 Casualties: 38

 

Today, things have changed significantly in the area of the Loop, on Sickles Avenue.  The woodlot has filled in dramatically over the past several generations impeding the sight line towards the Wheatfield.

 

 

 

 

 

The 118th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment Monument

The 118th Pennsylvania was part of the reinforcements sent by US Major General George Sykes.  Part of the V Corps, it would also fight in the area of the Loop – west of the Wheatfield.  Like the area around the 52d New York, the differences between this historic photo, and the picture I recently took are stunning.  The entire area has been filled in with woods.

About the 118th Pennsylvania Infantry
* US Major General George Sykes’ V Corps
* US Brigadier General James Barnes’ First Division
* US Colonel William Tilton’s First Brigade
* Commanded by Lt. Colonel James Gwyn
* Strength: 235 Casualties: 25

 

Today, the 118th Pennsylvania Infantry monument has shade most of the day.  In the intervening years since the “THEN” photo was taken, the trees have slowly encroached on the monument.  The Loop is a beautiful area of the battlefield, but an area that has changed drastically since the Civil War.

 

 

 

 

The 140th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment Monument

The 140th Pennsylvania Infantry was another supporting regiment from US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps.  Ordered towards the Wheatfield area, with the rest of the II Corps’ First Division, they would be ordered to the area between the Wheatfield, and the Peach Orchard, by General Sickles.  In this historic picture, very few trees can be seen, and there is a clear view north towards Wheatfield Road.

About the 140th Pennsylvania Infantry
* US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps
* US Brigadier General John C. Caldwell’s First Division
* US Brigadier General Samuel K. Zook’s Third Brigade
* Commanded by Colonel Richard P. Roberts
* Strength: 515 Casualties 241

 

Today, the view towards the north, is dramatically different.  The most noticeable difference is the overhanging trees.  More significant, however, is the dense woodlot visible in the distance near the base of the monument.  These pictures were taken from the same angle, but the distant woodlot is not present in the historic photograph.

 

 

 

 

The 10th Pennsylvania Reserves (39th PN) Infantry Monument

The 10th Pennsylvania Reserves Infantry (39th Pennsylvania in Federal Service) was part of US Major General George Sykes’ V Corps.  It would help defend the Federal line on Little Round Top on July 2, 1863.  This historic picture clearly shows the monument in a fairly open clearing in the woods.

About the 10th Pennsylvania Reserves Infantry
* US Major General George Sykes’ V Corps
* US Brigadier General Samuel W. Crawford’s Third Division
* US Colonel Joseph Fisher’s Third Brigade
* Commanded by Colonel Adoniram J. Warner
* Strength: 401 Casualties 5

 

 

Today, the 10th Pennsylvania Reserves monument is in a somewhat constricted clearing in a section of deep woods just east of South Confederate Avenue, south of Crawford Road.  It is a very detailed monument that can be easy to miss as it sits between the two Round Tops and is not well marked.  The woods have closed in on this monument, as can clearly be seen when comparing the “THEN” photo to the “NOW” photo.

 

 

 

 

The 137th New York Infantry Regiment Monument

The 137 New York Infantry was part of US Major General Henry W. Slocum’s defensive line on Culp’s Hill.  Part of US Brigadier General George S. Greene’s XII Corps brigade, the 137th saw action on July 2 and 3, 1863.  The monument is located on North Slocum Avenue, with a view towards the north.  The contrasts between the historical picture and my picture, from May 2007, are evident.  Culp’s Hill has become significantly more wooded.

About the 137th New York Infantry
* US Major General Henry W. Slocum’s XII Corps
* US Brigadier General John W. Geary’s Second Division
* US Brigadier General George S. Greene’s Third Brigade
*Commanded by Colonel David Ireland
* Strength: 423 Casualties: 137

 

Today, the changes of Culp’s Hill are dramatic.  The lines of approach for CSA Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s 2d Corps are covered with woods.  In fact, you cannot see the ground north of Culp’s Hill from the 137th New York Infantry monument.

 

 

 

 

Personal Observations and Commentary:
While there is no doubt, that the National Park Service, and the Gettysburg National Battlefield Park, have done a fine job restoring sight lines to certain areas of the battlefield, there is much work left to do.  Serious Civil War buffs and Gettysburg scholars have little trouble visualizing troop movements during a visit to the park.  However, casual enthusiasts, students and first time visitors will have difficulty visualizing the same things.  Gettysburg was a very complex battle and without the aid of the original sight lines, a visit to the park may be interesting, but may not be readily comprehended.  We need to continue to encourage the National Park Service to continue their efforts to restore the original landscape so our current generation, and future generations, will leave the park with a more complete understanding of what happened here nearly 150 years ago.

If you haven’t done so already, check out my Gettysburg Collection on Flickr.  I have organized and cataloged my most recent trips to Gettysburg, placing them on Flickr to make them easier to view and easier for search engines to find.  Let me know what you think!

(i) Trudeau, Noah Andre, Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, The Opposing Armies section starting on page 565. (for all troop strengths and casualties)

After CSA General Robert E. Lee pushed US Major General George B. McClellan from the peninsula, at the conclusion of the Seven Days, he pushed quickly after US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia.  The two adversaries would clash at Second Manassas from August 28–30, 1862.  While Pope had a numerical advantage for much of the battle, he failed to take advantage of it.  With the arrival of CSA Major General James Longstreet’s Right Wing, on the afternoon of August 29, Lee was able to completely defeat Pope, pushing him back towards the Washington City defenses.

After resting and resupplying his Army of Northern Virginia, Robert E. Lee set his sights north of the Potomac.  Northern Virginia had been ravaged by the Civil War for over a year.  The citizens of the commonwealth had been punished by the marauding armies – with their crops, livestock and other foodstuffs having been depleted.  Lee’s army, while achieving its goal of pushing McClellan from the Richmond area, and defeating Pope, had suffered significant casualties during three hard campaigns.  Lee believed there was widespread Confederate sympathies in Maryland, a slave state.  By invading Maryland Lee could find ample food for his army and recruit new soldiers for his army.  Confederate president, Jefferson Davis, believed a victory in Maryland would provide the impetus for England and France to recognize his fledgling country.  A victory would also hurt Lincoln’s Republican party during the midterm elections making it difficult for them to pursue the war against the South.  With the approval of the civilian government, Lee crossed the Potomac River, entering Maryland, on September 3.

The Armies Gather

Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia would cross the Potomac River using White’s Ford and Cheek’s Ford, after pushing through Dranesville and Leesburg, Virginia.  Pushing north to Frederick, Maryland Lee quickly learned that Confederate sympathies were not what he expected.  Writing Jefferson Davis on September 7, Lee stated, “I do not anticipate any general rising of the people in our behalf.”  While there were some kind acts, such as civilians giving the shoe less Confederate soldiers their shoes, or a drink of water, Lieutenant William Johnson summed it up well, “We were not received with cheers or songs or other evidences of approbation, but instead they looked at us in self-evident pity.”(i)

On September 9, Lee issued Special Orders No. 191, which detailed the operational plans for the upcoming campaign.  CSA Brigadier General John Walker’s two brigade division would turn around and counter march to Harper’s Ferry, while CSA Major General Lafayette McLaws would push through South Mountain with two divisions and take position on Maryland Heights.  Meanwhile, CSA Major General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s 2d Corps would approach Harper’s Ferry from the west, after the three divisions crossed the Potomac River into the Shenandoah Valley.  This three pronged attack would trap the Federal garrison without an escape route.  The rest of Lee’s army would leave Frederick, cross South Mountain and maintain a position at either Boonsboro or Hagerstown, Maryland.

George B. McClellan, now commanding an expanded army of over 100,000 soldiers, took the field on September 5 with approximately 75,000 men.  Using three roads to move his large army, he was able to move more efficiently.  Portions of the army pushed along the north bank of the Potomac River, through Poolesville, others pushed through Rockville and Gaithersburg, while the remainder pushed further north through Brookeville and New Market.  The destination was Frederick County, Maryland.  McClellan’s Army of the Potomac stretched from Frederick on the north, through Buckeystown, to Licksville on the south.  In the environs of Frederick were US Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps, US Major General Edwin Sumner’s II Corps, US Major General Joseph Mansfield’s XII Corps, US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps (under the command of Jesse Reno) and a division of US Major General Fitz John Porter’s V Corps commanded by US Brigadier General George Sykes.  Further south, at Buckeystown was US Major General William Franklin’s VI Corps.  Holding the Federal left flank was a division of the IV Corps commanded by US Major General Darius Couch.(ii)

On September 13, a copy of General Lee’s Special Orders 191 was found wrapped around three cigars along a fence row near Frederick (today this spot is marked across from the Monocacy National Battlefield’s Visitor’s Center on Urbana Road).  According to an examination by Stephen W. Sears, in his book “Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam,” the “Lost Orders” were found by Corporal Barton Mitchell of Company F 27th Indiana Infantry.  They would be sent by US Brigadier General Alpheus Williams through the XII Corps headquarters to McClellan, who received them by 12:00 p.m.  The copy was destined for CSA Major General Daniel Harvey (D.H.) Hill commanding a division in Jackson’s 2d Corps.  Hill claims to have never received the order and there was never any written evidence that he, or his adjutant, Major J.W. Ratchford, ever signed for the order.  Regardless of whether Hill received Special Orders 191 or not, the controversy still swirls today.  With the intelligence the “Lost Orders” gave McClellan - that Lee’s army was scattered from Harper’s Ferry to Boonsboro and possibly as far away as Hagerstown - McClellan had an opportunity to attack the Army of Northern Virginia and defeat it piecemeal before they could consolidate their commands.  Unfortunately, McClellan acting in his usual deliberate fashion did not put his army in motion for a full eighteen hours – truly missing an opportunity to completely defeat Lee.  So, in this author’s opinion, the real controversy is not whether Hill received the orders, but why McClellan waited so long to take advantage of the intelligence they offered.  For a detailed analysis of the controversy of the “Lost Orders” see Appendix I in Sears’ book.(iii)

On September 14, McClellan finally put his Army of the Potomac in motion.  Marching west on the National Road to Fox’s and Turner’s gaps were Hooker’s I Corps and Reno’s IX Corps.  Further south, Franklin’s VI Corps pushed west towards Crampton’s Gap.  In what would be called the Battle of South Mountain, they would be opposed by three divisions of Longstreet’s 1st Corps (McLaws, Hood and D.R. Jones), and Hill’s Division of Jackson’s 2d Corps.  The fighting would be in very close quarters, as the gaps were narrow, and would end with a Confederate withdrawal leaving the Federal forces in command of all three passes.  The battle would be costly, with the Federals suffering 2,300 casualties and the Confederates suffering nearly 2,700.(iv)

Robert E. Lee would move to consolidate his forces on the west side of Antietam Creek, around the village of Sharpsburg, Maryland.  Having captured Harper’s Ferry, Jackson would reunite with the rest of the Army of Northern Virginia by September 15.  Lee would create a fairly defensible position at Antietam.  His biggest weakness being that he was backed up against the Potomac River with one ford to cross his army if he needed to retreat. 

On September 15, McClellan would push after Lee, arriving on the east bank of Antietam creek.  He would have his entire army in place on September 16.  If he had attacked immediately, he would have had a numerically superior force.  Unfortunately, McClellan would continue to operate very deliberately. 

McClellan could easily see the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia from his headquarters at the Pry house.  Having lost the advantage of attacking Robert E. Lee’s army while it was separated, he would be forced to attack Lee where he was.  His plan was to attack Lee’s left flank with two corps (I and XII), rolling it up and allowing him to trap Lee against the Potomac River.  He would demonstrate against Lee’s right flank, at the lower bridge, with Burnside’s IX Corps, to keep him from reinforcing his other flank.  Additionally he would hold Franklin’s VI Corps in reserve, utilizing it where necessary.  In preparation for his attack, McClellan had ordered Hooker’s I Corps to cross Antietam Creek, utilizing the upper bridge, late on September 16, probing the Confederate defenses.  The stage was set for the bloodiest single day of fighting in American history. 

The Battle Opens – 5:30 a.m. to 10:00 a.m. – September 17

Hooker’s I Corps pushed down the Hagerstown Pike early on September 17.  Crossing through the North Woods they would enter a field of brown corn, ready for harvest.  US Brigadier General Abner Doubleday’s division was on the right flank, US Brigadier General James Rickett’s Division was on the left flank and US Brigadier General George Meade’s Division was behind them.  As the made their way through the Corn Field, the waiting Confederates could see them coming – their muskets glistening above the corn in the early morning light.  Facing them were CSA Brigadier General John Jones’ division from Jackson’s 2d Corps and CSA Brigadier General John Bell Hood’s division from Longstreet’s 1st Corps.  As the Federals exited the Corn Field they were met with a terrific blast of musketry from the two Confederate divisions.  The battle would rage back-and-forth for close to three hours with control of the Corn Field changing hands several times.  McClellan would order Mansfield’s XII Corps to support Hooker with the corps pushing through the East Woods towards the fighting in the Corn Field.  They would engage Hood’s Texans as they approached the southeast corner of the Corn Field.  During this action Mansfield would be killed and command of the XII Corps would pass to the senior brigadier, Alpheus Williams.  US Major Rufus Dawes, of the 6th Wisconsin, would pick up their regimental colors after four color bearers had fallen, urging his men forward.  The 6th Wisconsin was part of US Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Iron Brigade and was in the thick of the fighting at the Corn Field.  Dawes described the action that morning, “When I took that color in my hand, I gave up all hope of life.  It did not occur to me as possible that I could carry that flag into the deadly storm and live.  I felt all that burning throng of thoughts and emotions that always comes with the presence of Death.”(v)

The Corn Field was strewn with the dead and wounded.  Each side fought to control the small parcel of ground.  The corn would be mowed down from artillery and musketry fire.  While none of the Federal divisions gained much ground, Gibbon’s Iron Brigade would have some success on the far right flank.  Pushing south astride the Hagerstown Pike, they would enter the West Woods where they would encounter Jackson’s troops.  Pushing them aside the Iron Brigade would continue to push towards the Dunker Church.  With two Confederate brigades, commanded by CSA Brigadier General William E. Starke, arriving to reinforce Jackson’s 2d Corps, the Iron Brigade received a fierce volley from over 1,100 men.  While Gibbon’s soldiers were halted, they returned such a withering fire that Starke was killed and his brigade was forced to retreat.  A Confederate war correspondent, Felix de Fontaine would write about this action, “The fire now became fearful and incessant, (it) merged into a tumultuous chorus that made the earth tremble.  The discharge of musketry sounded upon the ear like the rolling of a thousand distant drums…”(vi)  Gibbon’s brigade was again pushing towards the Dunker Church, tearing a wide gap in Jackson’s reeling lines.

With continuing pressure from Hood’s Division, the battle for the West Woods and Corn Field continued to sway back-and-forth.  By 10:00 a.m., with US Brigadier George S. Greene’s XII Corps’ division arriving, between the Corn Field and the West Woods, the Federals were able to gain a solid footing near the West Woods.  In the melee of fighting, Hooker would be shot through the foot and command of the I Corps would be passed to the senior division commander, Brigadier General James Ricketts.  This would end the morning phase of fighting in the Corn Field and the West Woods.  While stalled, the Federal offensive had gained ground and placed Jackson’s 2d Corps in a tenuous situation.  The gains came at an extremely high price for the opposing forces.  Total casualties in this sector approached 13,000 men.

For a map of the late morning fight for the West Woods and Corn Field click HERE.

Battle for the Sunken Road – 10:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. – September 17

George B. McClellan recognized the dangerous nature of the battle waging near the Corn Field.  He was able to clearly see the battle from his headquarters at the Pry house on the east bank of Antietam Creek.  Having already committed the I Corps and XII Corps to the battle, he ordered US Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps into the fray at 7:30 a.m.  Riding with US Major General John Sedgwick’s division he pushed towards the action near the West Woods.  Sedgwick would be injured in the fighting there and ultimately the division would be pulled back by Sumner.  Inexplicably, his other division detailed to the attack, commanded by US Brigadier General William French, would lose contact with Sedgwick’s division and veer towards the southeast.  Sumner’s last remaining division, commanded by US Major General Israel Richardson, was to follow the first two divisions, providing support where necessary.  Following closely behind French, Richardson’s division would also veer away from the fighting raging near the Dunker Church.

French’s division quickly ran into enemy skirmishers from D.H. Hill’s division.  Hungry for a fight, the ever aggressive French pushed after the skirmishers pushing them back to their lines.  Hill’s 2,500 man division was posted on a slight rise just past a road that was sunken from years of wagon traffic.  Their position, while below the rise of ground the Federals would have to cross to reach them, was defensible.  Dressing their lines, French’s division, followed by Richardson’s division on the left, left the sheltered confines near the Roulette Farm.  Marching across a field, they would quickly begin climbing a rise.  As they approached the crest of the rise, they became silhouetted for Hill’s Rebels at the Sunken Road, below them.  Unleashing a withering volley into the Federals, CSA Brigadier General Robert Rodes Brigade slowed French’s Union soldiers.  On the left side of the Federal line, Richardson’s division, being led by US Brigadier General Thomas F. Meagher’s famed Irish Brigade, reached the crest and were also slowed by a musketry volley from CSA Brigadier General George B. Anderson’s North Carolina Brigade.  As the Federal troops pushed down the hill, towards the Sunken Road, additional Confederate reinforcements arrived to stabilize D.H. Hill’s line.  CSA Major General Richard Anderson’s 1st Corps division arrived from the direction of the Piper farm and provided relief for Hill’s battered division which had begun to pull back.  Under intense fire from the reinforced Rebel line, Richardson ordered Meagher’s Irish Brigade forward.  Armed with smoothbore muskets, Meagher’s Fenians unleashed a terrible blast from the crest of the hill.  Encouraging his brigade forward, Meaher yelled to his men, “Boys!  Raise the colors and follow me!”(vii)  With a yell the Irishmen poured down the hill and into the Sunken Lane.  The fighting was often hand-to-hand and the Irish Brigade would eventually have to pull back for additional ammunition.  Richardson’s last brigade would arrive as the Irish Brigade was pulling back.  Commanded by US Brigadier General John Caldwell, they provided the necessary reinforcements for the Federal line to not just hold, but defeat the Rebels in near the roadbed.  Approaching from the left side of the Federal line, Caldwell’s men were able to position themselves to enfilade the entire length of the Confederate line, making the Sunken Road untenable for the Rebels.  They would be forced to pull back to the Piper Farm around 12:30 p.m.  CSA Captain John Gorman of Company B 2d North Carolina described the fighting, “(the) lead was flying thick (making it) too hot (for reinforcements to come up).”(viii)

As the smoke cleared from the air along the Sunken Road, it became clear that the cost in life was terrible.  Besides nearly 5,600 combined casualties, each side would lose experienced commanders while fighting for the Bloody Lane.  Federal Division commander General Israel Richardson would be mortally wounded – the second Federal general officer that would die from his wounds at Antietam.  On the Confederate side, things were worse.  Major General Richard Anderson was wounded, Brigadier General George B. Anderson would be killed and his senior regimental commander, Colonel C.C. Tew, would be instantly killed moments after taking over brigade command.  Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright would be seriously wounded and a rising star in the Army of Northern Virginia, Colonel John B. Gordon, would be seriously wounded.  As on the Federal right, the Union forces were able to move forward and capture ground held by the Confederates.  Robert E. Lee’s position was tenuous at best.  He was significantly outnumbered and his left and center were under brutal attack.  If matters were not bad enough for Lee, his right flank was beginning to be attacked at the lower bridge.  The entire outcome of the Battle of Antietam would be determined by the results of the fighting on his right.

Burnside’s Attack on the Confederate Left – 10:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. – September 17

McClellan’s battle orders for Burnside called for his IX Corps to divert attention from the fighting on the right flank (the Corn Field fight) to keep Lee from sending reinforcements from this sector to Jackson’s 2d Corps.  However, Burnside was told to wait for orders before he attacked.  These orders did not arrive until 10:00 a.m. – four full hours after the Hooker launched his attack.  By this time Lee had already pulled a significant amount of troops from his right flank to support Jackson.  With nearly 13,000 men, Burnside held a significant numerical superiority to the Confederates on the opposite bank of Antietam Creek.  By this time only two Georgia regiments held the opposite bank – the 20th and 2d infantry regiments.  Unfortunately, these regiments held a commanding position 100 feet above Antietam Creek.  This position allowed them to pour a deadly fire into Burnside’s troops as the moved towards the south bridge along Rorhbach Bridge Road.  The Federal troops would be under Confederate artillery and musket fire for several 100 feet along the road, and then have to cross the 125 foot bridge – all the while under heavy fire.

US Brigadier General George Crook’s brigade, from the Kanawha Division, was ordered to cross the bridge first, followed by two divisions commanded by US brigadier generals Samuel Sturgis and Orlando Willcox.  Burnside’s last division, commanded by Brigadier General Isaac Rodman were ordered to cross the Antietam at Snavely’s Ford, approximately two miles further downstream.

Crook had his brigade in motion shortly after McClellan’s orders arrived at 10:00 a.m.  He sent skirmishers from the 11th Connecticut to seize the bridge.  Within about 15 minutes time they would be roughly treated and forced back, suffering 139 casualties.  Unfortunately, Crook’s primary assault never materialized as he had led his men to a position nearly a 1/4 mile upstream.  By 11:30 a.m., with Rodman’s division attempting to cross at Snavely’s Ford, Burnside would send US Brigadier General James Nagle’s brigade forward to take the bridge.  These soldiers would also be turned away by the Confederate fire from the far bank.  At 12:30 p.m., under increasing pressure from McClellan to take the bridge, Burnside sent Sturgis’ other brigade, commanded by US Brigadier General Edward Ferrero to take the bridge.  These men, motivated by a promise of whiskey, quickly established a hold on the east bank of the creek and began shelling the Georgians with double canister.  CSA Brigadier General Robert Toombs, in overall command of the Georgians, knew his situation was bad.  He was running low on ammunition and at 12:30 p.m. had received word that Rodman’s Federal division had crossed Snavely’s Ford.  CSA Colonel Henry Benning described the situation, “The combined fire of infantry and artillery was terrific.”(ix)  With little ammunition left, and an entire Federal division on their flank, they were forced to withdraw.  The Federals cheered when they saw the Georgians retreat.

With the bridge open, and no Rebels in their front, Burnside now had another problem to contend with.  While his soldiers were bottle necked trying to cross the bridge, it became known that staff officers had not brought adequate ammunition forward.  This would cause another two hour delay as Burnside waited to get ammunition – and men – across the narrow bridge.  It was approximately 2:00 p.m.  Meanwhile, Lee could spare no men to shore up his crumbling right flank.  Burnside’s ammunition shortage could not have come at a better time.  At 2:30 p.m., A.P. Hill had reached Lee and advised him that his 3,000 man division would be on the field in the next hour.  Lee ordered Hill to place them on his right flank.  Burnside, planning for an attack west towards Sharpsburg, was unaware that Lee was being reinforced.  At 3:00 p.m., leaving Sturgis’ division to guard the bridge, Burnside pushed west with close to 8,000 troops and 22 heavy guns.  With only D.R. Jones small division separating Burnside from flanking the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, the situation was bleak.  Additionally Rodman’s division was pushing towards Jones’ flank from the south.  The residents of Sharpsburg were panic stricken.  Burnside’s troops had pushed the Confederate flank back to within a couple hundred yards of town.

Things changed rapidly.  At 3:30 p.m., A.P. Hill arrived with his light division.  Having marched at the double quick for 17 miles, they were worn out.  However, they became energized when they heard the sound of battle.  Separating his command in two columns, he would detach two brigades to protect his flank.  The remaining 2,000 soldiers marched quickly to the right of Jones’ shattered division.  Burnside was unprepared for the vigorous assault by A.P. Hill’s Division.  Some of the heaviest fighting would occur in John Otto’s corn field where CSA Brigadier General Maxcy Gregg’s South Carolinians attacked the 16th Connecticut of Rodman’s division.  These young men had barely been in the Federal service three weeks and were immediately routed, leaving 185 casualties on the field.  Lieutenant B.G. Blakeslee of the 16th described the initial contact with Gregg’s Brigade, “(the order to move on had just been given) when a terrible volley was fired into us from behind a stone wall about five rods in front of us….In a moment we were riddled with shot.”  Blakeslee added, “Orders were given which were not understood.  Neither the line-officers nor the men had any knowledge of regimental movements.”(x)  While the 16th Connecticut was receiving its baptism of fire, the 4th Rhode Island came up on their right.  They were confused as many of the Confederates were wearing Federal uniforms captured at Harper’s Ferry.  They quickly broke and ran leaving only the 8th Connecticut in Otto’s field.  They also were quickly driven from the field and towards Antietam Creek.  Other than one last counterattack by the Kanawha division, which was unsuccessful, the fighting was over.

For my photo essay on the Battle of Antietam click HERE.

Battle Summary

Campaign: Maryland

Outcome: U.S. Victory

Troop Strengths
Union: 75,000
Confederate: 38,000

Casualties (estimated):
Union: 12,410 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)
Confederate: 10,300 (killed, wounded or missing/captured)

Battle Aftermath:
While the battle was a technical “draw,” the North considered it a victory since the Army of the Potomac held the field, after Lee retreated.  After having written the Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln held it, waiting for a victory on the battlefield.  Using Antietam as the victory, Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862.  This proclamation is widely considered to have changed the North’s war goals of reunification of the Union, to a battle to eradicate slavery in the United States.  The South’s goals to receive European recognition, and fresh recruits, was never realized.  US Major General George McClellan, a model of deliberate action, did not pursue Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia quickly enough for Lincoln and was removed from command on November 7, 1862.

Recommended reading on the Maryland Campaign
 
Details about “The Landscape Turn Red: The Battle of Antietam”
Written by: Stephen W. Sears
Paperback: 464 pages
Publisher: Mariner Books
Date of First Edition: June 3o, 2003
ISBN-10: 0618344195

 

Details about “Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle”
Written by: John M. Priest
Paperback: 424 pages
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date of First Edition: January 20, 1994
ISBN-10: 0195084667

 

Details about: “Guide to the Battle of Antietam”
Written by: Jay Luvaas, Harold W. Nelson and the Army War College
Paperback: 310 pages
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Date of First Edition: August 1996
ISBN-10: 0700607846

 

(i) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 85.
(ii) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 127.
(iii) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pgs. 349–352.
(iv) Battle of South Mountain, at Wikipedia, was used to research this article.
(v) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 198.
(vi) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 194.
(vii) Priest, John M., Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle, published by White Mane Publishing Co., Inc. in 1989, Pg. 160.
(viii) Priest, John M., Antietam: The Soldiers’ Battle, published by White Mane Publishing Co., Inc. in 1989, Pg. 162.
(ix) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 266.
(x) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 288.

I recently read Dr. Bradley Gottfried’s newest book, “The Maps of First Bull Run: An Atlas of the First Bull Run (Manassas) Campaign, including the Battle of Ball’s Bluff, June-October 1861.”  This is the second in the series of Gottfried’s “map books,” having released “The Maps of Gettysburg” in June 2008.  Dr. Gottfried holds a Ph.D. in Zoology from Miami University and is president of the College of Southern Maryland.  An avid historian Gottfried has published seven books on the American Civil War.

Having enjoyed “The Maps of Gettysburg,” I was quite excited to learn that Savas Beatie, LLC was publishing the “Maps of First Bull Run.”  Working for a company based in Centreville, Virginia, I have always considered Manassas to be my “home-away-from-home” battlefield.  Over the years I have had the opportunity to visit Manassas National Battlefield more times than I can count.  Visiting our corporate headquarters at least six times per year, I almost always stay in Manassas, so I can be close to the battlefield.  Like most of you that visit battlefields regularly, I try to learn as much about the battles as I can, before visiting.  With that said, I have read numerous histories of both battles of Bull Run.  Unfortunately, the First Battle of Bull Run has not been written about extensively and the books that are currently available offer little in the way of maps.  While I possess a solid understanding of the battle, I have always felt like I could have a better feel for the battle if another book were published – one with more maps!  “The Maps of First Bull Run” fulfilled my needs and exceeded my expectations.  Gottfried has designed this book based on the successful format of “The Maps of Gettysburg.”  Written in chronological order, starting with each army’s movements around Washington, D.C., the author provides a stirring narrative on each time frame with a wonderful color map on the facing page.  Unlike most other battlefield maps, Gottfried’s maps include fields, woods, creeks and other major features of the landscape.  Additionally he has included the time-frame on each map.  All told, “The Maps of First Bull Run” contain 51 maps and the accompanying narratives.  Unlike most Civil War scholars Dr. Gottfried created all the maps himself.

Before I endorse a book like this, I like to take it for a test drive.  I was able to do this on a recent trip to Centreville, this past June.  The book truly allowed me to understand the minutiae of the troop movements.  With the “Fighting 69^th” New York being one of my favorite regiments, I was able to trace their movements with Colonel William Sherman’s brigade, from the Farm Ford to their actions near the intersection of the Warrenton Turnpike and the Manassas-Sudley Road.  This enhanced my visit to the battlefield as I was able to walk in the same paths as the Sherman’s brigade.  The book is set up to take the reader on a long tour through the battlefield or can easily be used to drill down into one part of the engagement.  It provides enough detail, especially with the maps, to be a valuable resource for the serious Civil War student and its engaging prose is very easy for the casual enthusiast to conceptualize the flow of the battle.  While Dr. Gottfried did not write this book to be a complete narrative of the battle, it is very nearly one.  “The Maps of First Bull Run” is organized in three parts with separate subsections in each part.

Part 1: Maps of First Bull Run/Manassas

• Preliminary Movements – 6 maps
• Skirmish at Blackburn’s Ford (July 18) – 3 maps
• Bull Run Preliminaries – 3 maps
• Matthews Hill Fight – 5 maps
• Henry Hill Fight – 15 maps
• Chinn Ridge – 2 maps
• Blackburn’s Ford – 1 map
• The Federal Retreat – 1 map plus a summation

Part 2: August-September 1861 – 3 maps

Part 3: Ball’s Bluff – 12 maps

I highly recommend “The Maps of First Bull Run” to anyone with an interest in the first major battle of the Civil War.  Additionally, if you are interested in having the same resources for Gettysburg, please check out “The Maps of Gettysburg.”  Please consider supporting Savas Beatie, LLC and purchase the books directly from them.  You can do so by clicking HERE.  The books can also be purchased from Amazon.com by clicking on the book covers, below.

Details about “The Maps of Bull Run”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover: 144 pages
Publisher: Savas Beatie, LLC
Date of First Edition: June 10, 2009
ISBN-10: 193271460X

 

 

I had an opportunity to speak with Dr. Gottfried on August 31, 2009.  The interview, like my previous interviews, is separated into several parts.  You can read the contents of each part, and listen to the interview below.

Dr. Bradley Gottfried Interview – 10 Parts
Total Time: 1 hour, 2 minutes, 50 seconds

Part 1: 

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Time: 3:51
Contents: Welcome and introduction | About Dr. Bradley Gottfried | Books by Gottfried

Part 2: 

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Time: 5:48
Contents: Discussion on “The Maps of Gettysburg” | Why write “The Maps of First Bull Run” | Dr. Gottfried’s grand mapping plan for the Eastern Theater

Part 3: 

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Time: 6:50
Contents: Battles in the Eastern Theater put in context | The importance of maps in Civil War narratives | Brad’s mentors | Significance of first hand accounts

Part 4: 

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Time: 6:51
Contents: Discussion on the design of “The Maps of First Bull Run” | How Dr. Gottfried came to make his own maps | Creating his own niche

Part 5: 

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Time: 6:12
Contents: Researching “The Maps of Bull Run”

Part 6: 

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Time: 6:31
Contents: Narrative or not a narrative? | Using quotes and primary source material

Part 7: 

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Time: 8:06
Contents: Using digital books for research | Preliminary movements and preparations for the Battle of First Bull Run

Part 8: 

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Time: 5:40
Contents: Magic numbers – constraint by design | The value of end notes | Skirmishes around Washington City and the Battle of Ball’s Bluff

Part 9: 

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Time: 7:00
Contents: What are you working on now? | What battle or campaign should be covered in the next map book?

Part 10: 

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Time: 6:01
Contents: Continued discussion on future books | Future generations will benefit from Dr. Gottfried’s map books | Kudo’s for Savas Beatie, LLC | Working with Ted Savas | Wrap up and closing

Check out other great Civil War titles by Bradley Gottfried

Details about “The Maps of Gettysburg”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Softcover: 384 pages
Publisher: Savas Beatie, LLC
Date of First Edition: June 19, 2008
ISBN-10: 1932714359

 

 

Details about “The Artillery at Gettysburg”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover: 352 pages
Publisher: Cumberland House Publishing
Date of First Edition: February 1, 2008
ISBN-10: 1581826230

 

 

Details about “Kearney’s Own”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover:  320 pages
Publisher: Rutgers University Press
Date of First Edition: September 9, 2005
ISBN-10: 0813536618

 

 

Details about “Brigades of Gettysburg”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover: 704 pages
Publisher: Da Capo Press
Date of First Edition: December 24, 2002
ISBN-10: 0306811758

 

 

Details about “Roads to Gettysburg”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover: 300 pages
Publisher: White Mane Publishing Company
Date of First Edition: October 2002
ISBN-10: 1572492848

 

 

Details about “Stopping Pickett”
Written by: Dr. Bradley Gottfried
Hardcover: 270 pages
Publisher: White Mane Publishing Company
Date of First Edition: September 1999
ISBN-10: 1572491647

James Barton Wiley was born in Ohio between 1836 and 1838.  By 1850 he was living with his parents, Jacob and Mary Wiley, in Noble, Ohio.  He was the oldest of seven siblings.  He was the only son of Jacob and Mary.  He would marry Catherine Coffee on February 2, 1854 in Noble County, Indiana.  Together they would have three children: Mary Jane (1856), John M. (1859) and William S. (1862).  Wiley would often go by his middle name on official records, including his marriage certificate and the 1860 Federal Census record which listed the Wiley residence in Baker, Indiana.(i)

With the outbreak of hostilities, Wiley would enlist as a private in Company H, 59th New York Infantry.  His date of enlistment was September 20, 1861 at Bellville, Ohio.  In speaking with a couple of his ancestors, this author has been unable to determine why he would enlist in a New York regiment when he lived in Indiana and entered the service in Ohio.  The only logical conclusion is that Ohio had filled her volunteer requirements and the state had not authorized the formation of additional regiments by his enlistment date.

The 59th New York was officially mustered into Federal service in November 1861 and would leave New York City on November 23.  Proceeding to Washington City they would serve in US Brigadier General James Wadsworth’s command, defending Washington, through May 1862.  In July 1862 the 59th New York would join the Army of the Potomac and be assigned to the Third Brigade (Brigadier General Napoleon J.T. Dana), Second Division (US Major General John Sedgwick) of US Major General Edwin Sumner’s II Corps.  Commanding the 59th New York was Colonel William L. Tidball.  Leaving Washington City, they would join their new command at Harrison’s Landing on the James River Peninsula.  By this time The Seven Days was over and the Army of the Potomac, commanded by US Major General George B. McClellan was preparing to leave Harrison’s Landing to return to Alexandria, Virginia.  Private James Wiley would see no action while at Harrison’s Landing.(ii)

By August 28, 1862, the II Corps was located at Fairfax Court House, Virginia, and would be involved in covering US Major General John Pope’s retreating Army of Virginia from their rout at Second Manassas.  After the defeat of Pope’s army, CSA General Robert E. Lee determined to invade the North in an effort to recruit troops and provide relief for wary Virginians who had suffered through nearly all of the fighting in the Eastern Theater.  Pushing into Maryland during the first days of September, Lee would begin an effort to recruit Marylanders who were loyal to the Confederacy – an effort that turned out to be in vain.

Meanwhile, in Washington City, McClellan began to organize the remnants of Pope’s Army of Virginia using some of them to fill the ranks of his Army of the Potomac.  A master of organization, McClellan quickly had his army back in shape.  With intelligence mounting, that Lee had pushed into Maryland, McClellan quickly began planning his movements.  On September 6, the Army of the Potomac left Washington, in several columns, to find Lee’s army.  The first action of the Maryland Campaign would occur at South Mountain on September 14, when US Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps would engage portions of CSA Major Generals James Longstreet and Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s army wings.  The fighting at South Mountain would take place at Fox’s Gap, Crampton’s Gap and Turner’s Gap and would be intense.  Hooker was severely pressed while trying to push through the gaps.  The II Corps, including the 59th New York, would be sent to reinforce Hooker, but would arrive to find the I Corps alone at South Mountain – Lee having pulled his forces back.

On September 16, Sumner’s II Corps would be on the east side of Antietam Creek, facing the majority of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia (CSA Major General A.P. Hill’s Light Division was at Harpers Ferry) deployed around Sharpsburg, Maryland – just west of Antietam Creek.  On the morning of September 17, Hooker’s I Corps, having crossed Antietam Creek north of the Confederates, pushed south towards the left flank of Lee’s forces.  Pushing through the “Corn Field” they would be heavily engaged against Jackson’s Left Army Wing.  With the fighting going back-and-forth, across the Corn Field, the I Corps would suffer terrible casualties.  At 7:20 a.m., McClellan would order the II Corps to reinforce Hooker’s I Corps, and US Major General Joseph Mansfield’s XII Corps which had become engaged east of the Corn Field, near the North Woods.  The plan was for Sumner’s II Corps to push towards the Dunker Church, slamming into the left of Jackson’s Confederate lines.  Two of the II Corps divisions were to attack in force.  Unfortunately, US Major General William H. French’s division would veer to the left instead of staying on Sedgwick’s Second Division’s left flank.  This would leave the Second Division, including Wiley’s 59th New York, unsupported as they pushed through the Corn Field towards the West Woods.  Crossing the Hagerstown Pike, the general order was to keep the Dunker Church on their left, and rear.  Pushing straight forward, the three brigades of Sedgwick’s division would not find the enemy in their front, but with their left flank refused and facing north into Sedgwick’s left flank.  Confusion reigned throughout Sedgwick’s division and it became especially pronounced within Dana’s brigade.  His troops, including Wiley’s 59th New York, were receiving heavy enemy fire from a direction they did not expect – their left - enfilading their lines.  Additionally, the division was receiving heavy artillery fire from CSA Major General J.E.B. Stuart’s horse artillery located on a rocky rise to their right.(iii)  Sumner, maintaining his composure, rode up and down his lines, encouraging his soldiers to remain steady.  One of Dana’s soldiers wrote home describing Sumner’s actions, “We were completely flanked on the left and in two minutes more could have been prisoners of war if Gen Sumner himself had not rode in through a terrific fire of the enemy and brought us off……My men fell around me like dead flies on a frosty morning.”(iv)  The 59th New York’s baptism of fire was harsh.  The regiment did not handle themselves well.  With the field shrouded by smoke, they fired unknowingly into the backs of the 15th Massachusetts Infantry.  Not hearing the Massachusetts men yelling at them to cease firing, they would continue to fire into them until Sumner rode up and “cussed them out.”  Sedgwick’s division was able to retreat across the Hagerstown Pike and reform.  The fighting at Antietam would move south to the Bloody Lane, where the II Corps divisions of French and US Major General Israel Richardson would continue the fight.  The fighting on the Federal right would diminish as the action at the Bloody Lane intensified.  US Major General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Corps would attack on the far left, after which the Battle of Antietam sputtered to a close.  Sergeant James Wiley, along with the 59th New York, had experienced their first major fighting, on a grand scale, at Antietam.

Wiley would continue to serve with the 59th New York through upcoming battles at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville – each being terrible Federal defeats.  Once again, after the Battle of Chancellorsville, Robert E. Lee decided to invade the North.  From July 1–3, 1863, the Army of the Potomac, commanded then by US Major General George Gordon Meade, would battle Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia in the small southern Pennsylvania town of Gettysburg.  US Major General Winfield S. Hancock now commanded the II Corps.  The Second Division was now commanded by US Brigadier General John Gibbon with the Third Brigade being commanded by Colonel Norman J. Hall.  The 59th New York was in Hall’s brigade and was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Max Thoman.  Brigadier General John Caldwell’s First Division would see action on the second day of Gettysburg, the other two divisions would not be involved.  On the third day of battle, the II Corps other divisions, commanded by US Brigadier General Alexander Hays, and Gibbon, would see significant action during CSA Major General George E. Pickett’s famous charge.  Positioned along Cemetery Ridge, Hays division held the II Corps right flank while Gibbon’s division held the left.  Gibbon received some support from US Colonel Edmund Dana’s I Corps’ brigade.  Pickett’s combined command, which included his 1st Corps Division and CSA Brigadier General J. Johnston Pettigrew’s Division and portions of CSA Major General Richard H. Anderson’s Division, both of the 3d Corps, totaled approximately 12,500 soldiers.  After CSA Colonel E. Porter Alexander’s 1st Corps artillery bombarded the Federal lines for over an hour, Pickett’s troops dressed ranks along Seminary Ridge and pushed towards Hancock’s II Corps.  It was approximately 3:00 p.m.  Crossing the fields between Seminary Ridge and Cemetery Ridge, the Confederates would start to receive artillery shelling.  Crossing a fence along the Emmittsburg Road, they pushed towards the Federal line, its soldiers well protected behind a stone wall.  As they closed to within small arms range, they received a terrible storm of lead as the Federal infantry opened on them.  The Confederate charge would be repulsed, with only a handful of regiments breaking through the II Corps’ line.  The 59th New York would receive a direct assault from the 48th Georgia Infantry regiment.(v)  During the hard fighting here, some of which was hand-to-hand, Wiley would capture the Georgia regiment’s battle flag.  He would receive the Medal of Honor for his actions at Gettysburg, on December 1, 1864.  His citation reads, “Capture of flag of a Georgia regiment.”

Meade’s Army of the Potomac would repulse Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia at Gettysburg, ending the bloodiest battle on American soil.  Lee would retreat back into Virginia, with Meade’s army slowly pursuing them, essentially “nipping at their heels.”

Wiley, and the 59th New York Infantry, would continue to serve their country.  They would be engaged in all the remaining battles in the eastern theater including Mine Run, the Overland Campaign, Petersburg Campaign and Appomattox Court House.  On June 22, 1864, during the fighting at Jerusalem Plank Road, 1st Sergeant James Wiley would be captured.  He would be sent south to the Confederate Prison at Camp Sumter – better known as Andersonville.  He would suffer, with his fellow prisoners, from malnutrition, poor drinking water and exposure to the elements.  On February 7, 1865, Wiley would die from dysentery – most likely never knowing he had been awarded the Medal of Honor for gallantry at Gettysburg.  James Barton Wiley is a true American HERO.

(i) James Barton Wiley, at Ancestery.com was used to research this article.
(ii) The Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System was used to research this article.
(iii) Walker, Francis A., History of the Second Army Corps in the Army of the Potomac, Second Edition, published by Charles Scribner’s Sons in 1891, Pgs. 100–107.
(iv) Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pgs. 227–228.
(v) Hess, Earl J., Pickett’s Charge: The Last Attack at Gettysburg, published by the University of North Carolina Press in 2001, Pg. 91.