Sullivan Ballou was born in Smithfield, Rhode Island on March 28, 1829 to Hiram and Emeline Ballou.  A graduate of Brown University he would study law at the National Law School and was admitted to the Rhode Island bar.  He would be elected to the Rhode Island House of Representatives.

With the outbreak of the Civil War, Ballou would be appointed major of the 2d Rhode Island Infantry.  Mustering into Federal service in June 1861, Ballou and the 2d Rhode Island would depart Providence on June 19 and head for Camp Sprague, Washington City.  On July 16 Ballou would leave Washington to engage the enemy in Northern Virginia.  Prior to leaving Camp Sprague, he would write the following letter to his wife.

July the 14th, 1861
Camp Clark, Washington

My very dear Sarah:
The indications are very strong that we shall move in a few days – perhaps tomorrow.  Lest I should not be able to write again, I feel impelled to write a few lines that may fall under your eye when I shall be no more….

I have no misgivings about, or lack of confidence in the cause in which I am engaged, and my courage does not halt or falter.  I know how strongly American Civilization now leans on the triumph of the Government and how great a debt we owe to those who went before us through the blood and suffering of the Revolution.  And I am willing – perfectly willing – to lay down all my joys in this life, to help maintain this Government, and to pay that debt….

Sarah my love for you is deathless, it seems to bind me with mighty cables that nothing but Omnipotence could break; and yet my love of Country comes over me like a strong wind and bears me unresistibly on with all these chains to the battle field.

The memories of the blissful moments I have spent with you come creeping over me, and I feel most gratified to God and to you that I have enjoyed them for so long.  And hard it is for me to give them up and burn to ashes the hopes of future years, when, God willing, we might still have lived and loved together, and seen our sons grown up to honorable manhood, around us.  I have, I know, but few and small claims upon Divine Providence, but something whispers to me – perhaps in the wafted prayer of my little Edgar, that I shall return to my loved ones unharmed.  If I do not my dear Sarah, never forget how much I love you, and when my last breath escapes me on the battle field, it will whisper your name.  Forgive my many faults and the many pains I have caused you.  How thoughtless and foolish I have often times been!  How gladly would I wash out with my tears every little spot upon your happiness….

But, O Sarah!  If the dead can come back to this earth and fit unseen around those they loved, I shall always be near you; in the gladdest days and in the darkest nights…. always, always, and if there be a soft breeze upon your cheek, it shall be my breath, as the cool air fans your throbbing temple, it shall be my spirit passing by.  Sarah do not mourn me dead; think I am gone and wait for thee, for we shall meet again….

As for my little boys, they will grow as I have done, and never know their father’s love and care.  Little Willie is too young to remember me long, and my blue-eyed Edgar will keep my frolics with him among the dimmest memories of his childhood.  Sarah, I have unlimited confidence in your maternal care and your development of their characters.  Tell my two mothers, his and hers, I call God’s blessing on them.  O Sarah, I wait for you there!  Come to me, and lead thither my children.

Sullivan(i)

Less than one week after writing Sarah, Ballou would be killed at the First Battle of Manassas.  The letter had not been mailed.  It was found in his trunk after his death.  It would be delivered to Sarah by Rhode Island Governor William Sprague.

(i) The Civil War, at PBS.org was used to research this article.

On May 5, 1864, during the opening phases of the Battle of the Wilderness, Woodbury would see action at Craig’s Meeting House where he was sent forward, on foot, as a skirmisher.  Woodbury would describe the action, “I had taken a position behind a rail fence when one of Co. came up on my right and I moved about a foot and a half to the left, he taking my place.  In a half a minute a ball hit him in the temple – and without a groan he was ‘mustered out.’  His warm blood formed a little pool in which my knees were steeped.”(ii)  Woodbury would survive the skirmish at Craig’s Meeting House unscathed. 

During the Overland Campaign, Woodbury, and the 1st Vermont Cavalry, would participate in several significant engagements: Yellow Tavern, Meadow Bridge, and Hawe’s Shop.  After the Army of the Potomac crossed the James River, the 1st Vermont would participate in many raids south of Petersburg, most notably the Wilson-Kautz Raid.  This raid’s objective was to tear up track on three railroads: Richmond and Danville, Weldon and Southside.  Additionally, two important bridges were to be destroyed: High Bridge on the Southside and Roanoke on the Richmond and Danville.  After tearing up 60 miles of track the troopers reached High Bridge on June 25.  This bridge was heavily guarded and significant action took place in trying to push the Rebels from the bridge.  The 1st Vermont, while not directly involved in the fighting at High Bridge, were assigned rear guard duty – a very important assignment with Fitzhugh Lee’s Confederate Cavalry prowling in their rear.  During the evening, Wilson and Kautz determined that it was impracticable to remain in the area and made plans to reunite with the Army of the Potomac at Petersburg.  Their route would take them in a roughly northeasterly direction, swinging in somewhat of an arc.  For two and a half days, their return march proved uneventful.  This would change as the approached Stoney Creek.  There at Sappony Church was CSA Major General Wade Hampton’s cavalry division, many dismounted, blocking their route to the Federal lines at Petersburg.  Over the next couple of hours the 1st Vermont would work to throw up modest works.  Woodbury was assigned a front position from which he would kneel, directing his fire at the Confederate position.  While not well liked by most troopers, this position did offer them some protection from the Confederate musketry.  As Woodbury describes, “…many a time during that night the balls struck in this frail defense or in the dirt so near it as to sprinkle us with sand.”(iii)  The fight at Stoney Creek would continue throughout the night.  With first light, Wilson quickly determined to pursue a different route.  Pulling Kautz’s command out of line, he ordered them north towards Ream’s Station.  By mid-morning Wilson ordered the rest of his troopers to pull out of line and head for Ream’s Station.  The 1st Vermont, 3d Indiana and 8th New York were given the unenviable job of fighting a delaying action against a much larger Confederate force.  This would require the troopers to march a distance, dismount and fight the enemy, re-mount when the pressure became too severe, ride a distance and repeat the whole process – all the while under enemy fire.  Eventually, during this delaying action, over 60 Vermonters would be captured, many of which would end up at the dreaded Andersonville Prison.  Finding portions of Fitzhugh Lee and Hampton’s cavalry, along with a division of Confederate infantry, at Ream’s Station, Kautz and Wilson changed plans and would make their escape to the west – a direction the Confederates would not expect – before turning around and heading further south and then pushing east to the Weldon where their route would be open.  While Wilson was setting his plans in motion, Kautz was able to make his escape, with portions of Wilson’s command, and would arrive at the Federal camps on June 29.  Wilson’s much longer route would prevent him from arriving at Petersburg until July 2.  The cost of the Wilson-Kautz Raid was high with the Federal cavalry suffering over 900 casualties.  It was another sad chapter in the close knit 1st Vermont which would suffer 90 casualties.  Having left with 370+ men, the Green Mountain Boys would suffer a casualty rate nearly 25%, quite high for a mounted arm.(iv)

Over the next three weeks the 1st Vermont would receive some much needed rest.  They would camp on some high ground near the James River, enjoying much needed provisions.  In August, with CSA Lieutenant General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Army of Northern Virginia (the 2d Corps would be designated the Army of the Valley) on the prowl in the Shenandoah Valley and Maryland, things began to change quickly in Army of the Potomac’s camps.  With the Lincoln administration fearing a raid on Washington City, Grant detached portions of his army (two divisions of cavalry, VI Army Corps and XIX Army Corps) to Harper’s Ferry.  Once there they would combine with the VIII Corps and form the Middle Department with US Major General Philip Sheridan in command of the combined forces.  Sheridan wasted no time and pushed his army into the Shenandoah Valley to confront Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley.  Finding Early’s forces spread out, near Winchester, Sheridan would attack them on September 19.  At what would be known as the Battle of Third Winchester (or Battle of Opequon), Sheridan would roughly handle Early sending him retreating up the valley.  The 1st Vermont Cavalry had little involvement in this battle. 

Next Sheridan’s army would find Early’s army holding high ground at Fisher’s Hill.  Executing a wonderfully designed plan, Sheridan was able to rout Early from the hill on September 21–22.  While the fight was going on at Fisher’s Hill, US Brigadier General Alfred Torbert was in command of a cavalry detachment sent towards Front Royal to block the Valley Turnpike sealing Early’s escape route from Fisher’s Hill.  The third cavalry division failed to block the road.  On October 7, Torbert’s rear guard was attacked by CSA Brigadier General Thomas Rosser’s Confederate cavalry division.  The 1st Vermont was in the rear guard and young Eri Woodbury described the unfolding events, “Today while pursuing our devastating course (the “Burning” of the Valley) we were attacked by Gen. Rosser’s Div. of Cavalry. I was sent out on a skirmish line with a squad of men.  While there they flanked us upon the left, & our troops were forced into a confused retreat.  I was at one time very near being captured.”  Sheridan was furious that Torbert had failed.  Besides the battlefield losses, Rosser’s troopers were able to capture seven important portable forges.  On October 8, Sheridan met with Torbert and made his thoughts quite clear: “That night I told Torbert I expected him either to give Rosser a drubbing next morning or get whipped himself, and the infantry would be halted until the affair was over.  I also told him that I proposed to ride out to Round Top Mountain to see the fight.”(v)

On the next morning, October 9, Torbert was able to resuscitate his career.  In what would be called the Battle of Tom’s Brook (also known as the Woodstock Races) Torbert’s numerically superior cavalry, containing two divisions, was able to easily flank Rosser’s position.  As historian Joseph D. Collea, Jr. described in his book, “The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War,” the Battle of Tom’s Brook “was a cavalry fight from start to finish.”  The First Vermont was positioned on the right flank and would not see action until later in the battle.  With Brigadier General George Custer leading the right wing, which included the 1st Vermont, the cavaliers charged forward in textbook style, building momentum gradually, rolling forward “in a walk to the skirmish line, then a trot, then a gallop, then a wild rush of shouting troopers and frantic horses.”(vi)  Custer’s troopers quickly pushed CSA Colonel Thomas Munford’s cavalry from Spiker’s Hill while the left wing drove the remainder of Rosser’s cavalry from their position.  Woodbury, then a sergeant, described the action, “We charged them, drove them and then drove them about seven miles.”(vii)  It was at this point that the “races” began with Custer’s wing driving the Confederate cavalry towards Columbia Furnace while the left wing drove them towards New Market.  The 1st Vermont would regroup, near Strasburg, after driving the enemy nearly twenty-six miles.

After the defeat of Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley at Fisher’s Hill, and the cavalry battle at Tom’s Brook, Federal army commanders felt that Early’s army was pretty well played out.  By the morning of October 19, Sheridan’s entire Middle Department was bivouacked north of Cedar Creek, near Middletown.  It was during the overnight hours, of October 19, that Early set in motion one of his most daring plans.  Sending CSA Major General John B. Gordon’s Division on a wide right flanking march, Gordon was able to slam into US Brigadier General George Crook’s VIII Corps at first light.  Quickly followed by the rest of Early’s army, Crook’s soldiers were pushed from their camps while their coffee was brewing.  The VIII Corps were quickly routed and pushed through US Brigadier General William Emory’s XIX Corps camps with the result being the same.  The Federal lines did not begin to stabilize until the last remaining Federal army corps, US Brigadier General James B. Rickett’s VI Corps, was pushed north, beyond Middletown.  Unfortunately, for the Federal fortunes, Phil Sheridan was at Winchester.  While he was away, US Major General Horatio Wright was left in charge of the army.  While Wright was an able commander, he was surprised by the early morning attack and was unprepared to defend his position.  Sheridan, hearing sounds of battle, mounted his powerful horse, Rienzi, and dashed back to his army.  Covering the seventeen miles very quickly, Sheridan would find his army in disarray north of Middletown.

Quickly bringing order, out of the chaos, Sheridan deployed his army to counterattack.  Riding in front of his lines he motivated his troops and the soldiers quickly realized they would be back in their camps that night.  Early, realizing Sheridan had no plan to retreat, determined to set up a defensive line north of Cedar Creek.  With the VI Corps marching towards the Confederate line, Sheridan ordered Custer to attack the Rebel left flank.  Placing the 1st Vermont and 5th New York into line, he quickly began to push across the open fields of grass.  Eri Woodbury would once again see action and would provide his country with his most valuable service at Cedar Creek.  Confederate General John B. Gordon described the events unfolding around him, “There came from the north side of the plain a dull, heavy swelling sound like the roaring of a distant cyclone, the omen of additional disaster.  It was unmistakable.  Sheridan’s horsemen were riding furiously across the open fields of grass to intercept the Confederates before they crossed Cedar Creek.”(viii)  The sudden charge of infantry and cavalry proved more than the Early’s shell shocked soldiers could handle.  As Collea described in his book, “Before the Vermonters a cavalryman’s dream lay waiting – a foe, already psychologically defeated, was in every-man-for-himself flight.”  This was not lost on the Vermont troopers, including Woodbury.  Charging past the most forward Federal infantry position the 1st Vermont was pushing the Rebels hard.  During the enemy’s flight, Woodbury, conspicuously mounted on his horse, and alone, came upon four armed Confederate infantrymen.  With one of the Rebels hiding a flag behind his back, Woodbury, with only a saber, demanded their surrender.  The tar-heels immediately complied becoming prisoners and turning over their weapons and flag.  Woodbury, himself, describes it best, stating that he noticed “a little hill on the left of the road at the entrance to Fisher’s Hill was covered with fugitive infantry.  I charged in alone, cut off four, and captured a battle flag belonging to the 12th NC Regt.’s infantry.”(ix)  The victory was complete.  Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley, already weakened, was forced to retreat deeper into the Shenandoah Valley.

The 1st Vermont Cavalry, would establish their winter camps near Winchester.  On February 27, Sheridan’s army pushed south.  Leading the van of the army was Colonel William Wells’ cavalry brigade – including the proud 1st Vermont.  Wells had entered the service as captain of Company C, 1st Vermont.  He was a favorite amongst the men from Vermont and had advanced slowly to brigade command.  Sheridan’s objectives, during the late winter of 1865, were left somewhat to his discretion.  Besides destroying the Virginia Central Railroad he was interested in the James River Canal and Lynchburg.(x)  Upon reaching Staunton, Sheridan sent Custer’s division east towards Waynesboro, on March 2.  Brigadier General Thomas Devin’s cavalry division followed Custer.  Waynesboro was situated on the Virginia Central Railroad making it strategically important to Sheridan.  Upon approaching the village, Custer found Early’s troops situated behind earthworks just west of town.  Reconnoitering the area, it was determined that Early’s left flank was vulnerable to attack.  Sensing an attack on this sector could crumble Early’s position, Custer turned again to the 1st Vermont.  After forming their lines the brave Green Mountain boys charged the Rebel line, which quickly folded.  With additional units attacking the center, Early was once again forced to retreat.  While a small engagement, in term of forces engaged, the Confederates suffered over 1,500 casualties – most of them captured.  Early and his staff, however, were able to elude capture.  With the Shenandoah Valley completely cleared of resistance, Sheridan exited the valley and pushed south, destroying the James River Canal locks near Goochland Court House.  On March 27 Sheridan reunited with the Army of the Potomac at Hancock’s Station near Petersburg. 

The beginning of the end was at hand.  Grant, now reunited with Sheridan, intended to use his forces immediately.  On April 1, Sheridan commanding a force that included Devin and Custer’s cavalry divisions and US Major General Gouverneur K. Warren’s V Corps, attacked CSA Major General George Pickett’s division at Five Forks.  While Woodbury, and the 1st Vermont, were held in reserve on the Federal left flank, the V Corps rolled up Pickett’s left flank forcing another Confederate retreat.  The loss of Five Forks made Robert E. Lee’s position at Petersburg untenable.  On the evening of April 2, Lee evacuated the trenches at Richmond and Petersburg and headed west.  Sheridan again played a major role, in the retreat to Appomattox, preventing Lee from pushing south towards a junction with CSA General Joseph E. Johnston’s Army of Tennessee in North Carolina.  On April 8, learning that supply trains were arriving at Appomattox Station, Custer’s cavalry division was able to defeat the Confederate reserve artillery, commanded by CSA Colonel Lindsay Walker, that was guarding the station.  The 1st Vermont Cavalry played a significant role in the action there, holding the right flank of the attacking Federal line.  While no Confederate casualty figures were given, nearly 1,000 soldiers were captured including Brigadier General Young Moody.  Additionally 25–30 guns were captured along with a huge amount of supplies in the railroad cars.  After surviving nearly 18 months unscathed, recently promoted First Lieutenant Eri Woodbury would be wounded in the woods north of the station.  Woodbury described his wounding, “Suddenly (I) felt a blow (and a) numbing sensation across my breast and found myself turning a double somersault off into the bushes.”  Getting up from the ground, Woodbury checked himself out and found his “fingers were completely knocked out and hanging over the backside (of my) hand by a little shred of skin.”(xi)  This chance encounter with a piece of shrapnel would result in Woodbury having his right hand amputated.

On April 9, with the two sides facing off near Appomattox Court House, the Vermont cavalry was focused on a Rebel wagon train.  With the Confederate position untenable, Custer would receive a courier from Lieutenant General James Longstreet requesting a cease fire so Grant could receive Robert E. Lee’s surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia.  It is fitting that Custer, and his 1st Vermont Cavalry, would play an instrumental role in the closing of the Civil War.  While Sheridan’s cavalry would not be at Appomattox Court House for the official surrender ceremonies, they would take part in the Grand Review of the Federal armies in Washington on May 23.  The 1st Vermont would finish its term of service at Champlain, New York, where they were on frontier duty.  They would officially muster out of service on August 9, 1865.  Due to his wounding, Lieutenant Woodbury would muster out on June 21.

After the war Woodbury would marry Emma M. McChesney.  He would become a professor at the Episcopal Academy (present day Cheshire Academy) in Cheshire, Connecticut.  He would become headmaster of the academy in 1892 and remain in that position until 1896 when he was made Principal Emeritus.(xii)  Woodbury would be presented the Medal of Honor for his actions at the Battle of Cedar Creek.  The citation, dated October 26, 1864, reads:

During the regiment’s charge when the enemy was in retreat Sgt. Woodbury encountered 4 Confederate infantrymen retreating.  He drew his saber and ordered them to surrender, overcoming by his determined actions their willingness to further resist.  They surrendered to him together with their rifles and the 12th North Carolina (C.S.A.) regimental flag.(xiii)

Lieutenant Eri Woodbury died on April 14, 1928 and is buried at Saint Peters Church Cemetery in Cheshire, Connecticut.  He is a true American HERO.

(i) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 208.
(ii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 226.
(iii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 245.
(iv) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 247–248.
(v) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 258.
(vi) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 259.
(vii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 260.
(viii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 264–265.
(ix) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 266–267.
(x) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 276.
(xi) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 283.
(xii) See Eri D. Woodbury at Cheshire Academy’s website.
(xiii) For further information see Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients: A Complete Illustrated Record, by Broadwater, Robert P., published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2007, Pg. 223.

I recently finished reading Professor William L. Shea’s newest book, “Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign.”  This is an excellent book on the little known Battle of Prairie Grove, Arkansas.  I am hoping to have a text based interview with Dr. Shea published in the near future.  While reading the book I came upon the heroic story of CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants.  I was so intrigued by Pleasants that I decided to write an article on the Confederate hero.  It can be read by clicking HERE.  As a companion to that article, I decided to write the following narrative on another American hero, Lieutenant Colonel John C. Black, who commanded the 37th Illinois Infantry, of the Federal Army of the Frontier, at Prairie Grove.  Black would fight in the opposing lines against Colonel Pleasants’ Arkansas infantry.  Both of their stories are fascinating and deserve to be told.

Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black

John Charles Black was born on January 27, 1839 in Lexington, Mississippi.  The family would move to Danville, Illinois in 1847.  His father, John, was a Presbyterian minister and would marry Josephine Culbertson.  She would bear him four children, with John Charles being the oldest.  His father, having died in 1847, would leave Josephine to raise the four children.  She would marry William Fithiane and continue to reside in Danville.(i)

With the outbreak of the Civil War, John and his younger brother William, would enlist in the 11th Indiana Infantry, commanded by future major general, and author, Lew Wallace.  Enlisting as a private, he would reach the rank of sergeant-major during his 90 day term of enlistment.  During his tenure with the 11th Indiana, Black would fight at Romney, West Virginia, earning accolades for his bravery.  After being mustered out of the 11th, Black would return to Danville where he would help recruit Company K, 37th Illinois Infantry.  He would be elected captain of the company, with William being elected first lieutenant.(ii)  With the formal organization of the 37th, John would be appointed major, with William being promoted to captain of the company.  Known as the Fremont Rifles, the 37th Illinois would be commanded by Colonel Julius White.  Officially mustering into service on September 18, 1861, at Chicago, Illinois, it would depart for St. Louis, Missouri the next day.  After arriving in St. Louis they would be reviewed by US Major General John C. Fremont, during which his wife, Jessie Benton Fremont, tied red, white and blue ribbons to the staff of their regimental colors.

From St. Louis the 37th Illinois would be sent to Boonville, Missouri in early October.  On October 13, the regiment, less two companies left at Boonville, would march with Fremont to Springfield, Missouri, where CSA Major General Sterling Price’s Missouri Home Guard was garrisoned.  By the time they arrived, the Confederates had retreated into northwest Arkansas.  The regiment would be reunited in southwest Missouri, in February 1862, where it became part of the newly christened Army of the Southwest, commanded by US Brigadier General Samuel R. Curtis.

Curtis would waste little time, quickly pursuing the retreating Confederate army on the Wire Road.  Pushing through Cassville, Missouri, Curtis’ Federal forces would march into northwest Arkansas where they would be camped on Sugar Creek in early March 1863.  On March 7, CSA Major General Earl Van Dorn would launch a surprise attack against the Federal army at Pea Ridge, Arkansas.  During the first day’s fight, the 37th Illinois would be brigaded with the 59th Illinois and the Peoria Battery.  Commanded by Colonel White, the brigade would repulse a much larger Confederate force at Oberson’s Field, during the opening engagement of the battle.  Fighting in a woodlot, north of Leetown, Major Black’s 37th Illinois would perform bravely in the seesaw fight.  They would sleep on their arms that night.  The battle would resume the next day when Curtis would rout the larger Confederate force, that had little ammunition.  During the hard fought battle, the 37th Illinois would suffer 135 casualties, 21 being killed in action.  Colonel White would be promoted to brigadier general after the battle, and would be sent east.  Lieutenant Colonel Myron Barnes would be promoted to colonel with Black being promoted lieutenant colonel.

During the summer of 1862 the 37th was assigned guard duty in southwest Missouri.  Frequently fighting bands of guerillas, the regiment would endure significant marching during that hot summer.  Black would lead an independent command against a Rebel force at Neosho, Missouri successfully driving them into present day Oklahoma.  Over two days, Black would march his regiment over 100 miles, engage in a significant skirmish and capture over 300 prisoners.  Inevitably, this independent performance would garner much attention.

By late September the 37th Illinois was pulling out of their camps, near Springfield, Missouri.  With US Brigadier General John M. Schofield now in command of the Army of the Frontier, it contained two Missouri Divisions commanded by brigadier generals James Totten and Francis Herron.  Moving east to connect with Schofield was a mixed division of soldiers called the Kansas Division.  This division was commanded by Brigadier General James G. Blunt.  On September 30, some of Blunt’s forces were surprised by a Confederate cavalry attack at Newtonia, Missouri.  With the Confederates holding the village, Schofield and Blunt quickly sent reinforcements to the vicinity, launching a large artillery attack on the Confederate position on October 4. Offering scant resistance, the Rebel calvary quickly vacated the area.  One Texas cavalier aptly described the rout, “The men were panic stricken and nothing could be done with them, in fact I think the officers were in the forefront.”(iii)  The 37th Illinois, and the rest of the Missouri divisions, continued pushing after the fleeing Confederate cavalry.  Without a fight the Confederacy had given up their only lodgement in southwest Missouri.

Over the coming four weeks Brigadier General Francis Herron, now commanding the two Federal Missouri Divisions with Schofield on sick leave in St. Louis, marched his men across southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas.  These foot sore soldiers had quite a journey: Cassville, Missouri, Pea Ridge Arkansas, Huntsville, Arkansas, Bentonville, Arkansas, Cross Hollows, Arkansas (near Pea Ridge), Osage Springs, Arkansas, Fayetteville, Arkansas and finally, on December 1, they arrived at Camp Lyon, near Springfield, Missouri.  Unfortunately, their stay would be quite short.  During the same period of time James Blunt had pushed his Kansas Division to the very entrance of the Boston Mountains, in northwest Arkansas.  After forcing the Confederate cavalry from the area of Cane Hill, Arkansas, Blunt bivouacked his men there.  This drastically changed the strategic situation for Confederate theater commander Major General Thomas Hindman.  With Blunt’s forces gathered at Cane Hill, they could easily flank his position, south of the Boston Mountains, by using any of five major roads in the area.  Hindman determined that the best action was offensive and would set his Trans-Mississippi Army in motion.  With Blunt in overall command of the three Federal divisions, he ordered Herron to bring the two Missouri Divisions to his aid with celerity.  They moved out of December 3, 1862.

Meanwhile, changes had occurred within the 37th Illinois.  Colonel Myron Barnes had retired.  Taking his place in command of the regiment was Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black.  Black’s intrepid foot soldiers had earned the moniker “The Illinois Greyhounds” for their quick mobility.  They would get to prove it again during their forced march to Blunt’s relief.  As Shea describes in his book, “Fields of Blood,” Herron’s Missouri Divisions would be marching within six hours of receiving Blunt’s dispatch – “What followed was an epic of human endurance.”(iv)  Herron’s soldiers would endure a march of nearly 120 miles to reach Blunt.

On December 5 Hindman had his army on the move early.  They had been camped at Lee Creek, in the Boston Mountains.  Hindman believed that Blunt would expect the main assault to be on his position at Cane Hill.  Pushing north on Cove Creek Road, Hindman changed his mind.  Upon reaching the junction of Cove Creek and Van Buren roads, he decided to push the majority of his army north while sending only a small detachment northwest on the Van Buren Road, from Morrow’s.  His plan was to place the majority of his Trans-Mississippi Army between Blunt and Herron, and defeat the two wings separately.  To make his feint against Blunt he sent Lieutenant Colonel James C. Monroe’s Arkansas Cavalry and Brigadier General Mosby Parsons’ Missouri infantry brigade towards Reed’s Mountain.  Parsons was to remain in reserve as Monroe’s troopers pushed across Reed’s Mountain.  Facing them was US Lieutenant Colonel Owen Bassett’s 2d Kansas Cavalry.  Holding the high ground, the Kansans were able to repel the first Rebel attack, at which point Parsons’ infantrymen joined the fray.  With his cavalry in a rough position, Blunt ordered US Colonel Thomas Ewing, Jr.’s 11th Kansas Infantry to their support.  These troops were able to hold Reed’s Mountain and the two opposing forces held their positions throughout the day until Parsons pulled his infantry back to Cove Creek Road to rejoin the army.

Meanwhile, the rest of Hindman’s forces continued their march north on Cove Creek Road.  Hindman planned on pushing to the Fayetteville Road where his army would approach Prairie Grove on two parallel roads.  Once at Prairie Grove, he intended on pushing north, to the Illinois River, to attack Herron’s strung out Missouri Divisions.  Unfortunately, all did not go according to plan.  Upon reaching Prairie Grove, CSA Brigadier General Francis Shoup’s Division formed a defensive line on the north facing slopes of the hill that Prairie Grove occupied.  Instead of pushing north towards the Illinois River, in an offensive move to hammer Herron, he instead settled into a defensive position.  The stage was rapidly being set for a major confrontation.

After Herron’s two Missouri Divisions crossed the Illinois River, they entered Crawford’s Prairie.  Here they established a heavy artillery presence while the infantry began to assemble.  This made any Confederate offensive operations a very difficult proposition.  While Hindman’s forces commanded Crawford’s Prairie from the heights of Prairie Grove, the superiority of the Federal artillery would make an assault on their position very difficult.  Additionally, Hindman had received no significant information on any movement Blunt was making with his Kansas Division.  Instead of being the pursuer, Hindman suddenly found himself the pursued – two Federal divisions in his front and one lurking somewhere in his rear. 

While Herron’s two divisions were preparing in Crawford’s Prairie, there was a noticeable lack of preparation taken place on the slopes of Prairie Grove.  Perhaps it was due to a feeling of superiority that the heights provided or perhaps it was complacency amongst the Confederate high command.  Regardless, as 1:30 p.m. approached, General Shoup ordered Captain William D. Blocher to “stir things up.”  Blocher quickly ordered a howitzer fired which caused no damage to the enemy.  Captain David Murphy’s Battery F, 1st Missouri Light Artillery, responded to the single howitzer shot with a heavy barrage from his six guns.  These guns found there mark as described by a Confederate officer, “The enemy greatly outnumbered us and outranked us in the character of cannon, having the most improved rifle guns, and handled them with remarkable skill.”(v)

With the artillery duel continuing, Herron pushed his first wave of infantry towards the Rebel position along the hill.  This consisted of Major Henry Starr’s 20th Wisconsin, Lieutenant Colonel John McNulta’s 94th Illinois and Lieutenant Colonel Samuel McFarland’s 19th Iowa.  As these three regiments pushed through the cornfields, in front of the ridge, John Black’s 37th Illinois tensely waited on Crawford’s Hill supporting the Federal artillery posted there.  Posted to his left were Colonel John Clark’s 26th Indiana and Lieutenant Colonel Joseph B. Leake’s 20th Iowa.  As they watched, from across the open prairie, the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin pushed towards the Rebel line held by CSA Brigadier General James F. Fagan’s Arkansas Brigade.  McNulta’s 94th Illinois inexplicably broke off from the rest of the Third Division’s infantry, pushing further east towards the Rebel’s right flank, held by CSA Colonel Joseph Shelby’s Missouri Cavalry Brigade.  This would cause two things to happen.  First Shoup would pull Colonel Emmett MacDonald’s Cavalry Brigade from the bench in front of the ridge, sending it to reinforce Shelby’s dismounted troopers.  Secondly, he directed CSA Colonel Dandridge McRae to send three of his brigade’s five Arkansas regiments to reinforce the left flank of Fagan’s brigade.  These regiments would extend the Confederate left flank past the Fayetteville Road.  With Black’s Illinoisans watching from Crawford’s Prairie, the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin slammed into Fagan’s Brigade.  After a severe fight, some of which was hand-to-hand, the two regiments would be forced back to their jump off point in the prairie.  An Iowan from the 19th regiment described the situation as the Rebels “raised up on three sides of us and poured an incessant fire into our ranks.  They were on one side of the fence and we were on the other.”(vi)  This fight at the Borden Orchard decimated the ranks of both the Federal regiments.  The fate of McNulta’s 94th Illinois was much different.  Described as remaining in the background, they suffered 34 casualties, only one of which was killed.  As described by William L. Shea, each of the companies of the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin, that scaled the hill, suffered more casualties than the entire 94th Illinois suffered.

With the remnants of the Federal regiments retreating, several of Fagan’s Arkansas regiments quickly pursued them and were greeted by tremendous artillery fire, quickly forcing them to retrace their steps.  Brigadier General Herron would succinctly describe the Confederate counterattack, “The fighting was desperate beyond description.”(vii)

Around 3:00 p.m., General Herron ordered US Colonel Daniel Huston to make his division ready - including John Black’s 37th Illinois.  By this time, the division had been in reserve near Crawford Hill for several hours.  Many of the men had been lying on the ground for several hours and were quite cold.  With the the Third Division pulled back to Crawford’s Prairie and the Rebels back in line on the hillside, the tactical situation was similar to what the sides faced when the battle had started – with the exception of hundreds of wounded and dead soldiers between the lines!  Huston, having witnessed the repulse of the Federal Third Division, and the failed Confederate counterattack, had ordered Black’s 37th Illinois and the 26th Indiana forward to the Fayetteville Road.  After pulling down the fences that ran along the road, the path for attack was open.  However, from their position they would be marching across open ground and subject to enfilade fire from McRae’s Arkansans.  With the arrival of Huston’s Division in his front, Shoup pleaded for reinforcements.  His division had suffered severely in its morning battle with the Federal Third Division and may not withstand another attack.  Hindman quickly sent Colonel Robert Shaver’s Arkansas Brigade to his support.  Shaver was part of Brigadier General Daniel Frost’s Division and this would be the first of his troops sent to the north section of the battlefield.  This represented a significant change in Hindman’s mindset as he had kept all of Frost’s soldiers in reserve where they could be used to prevent a surprise attack from Blunt’s Kansas Division at Cane Hill.  Was this an act of desperation or was Hindman certain that his feint against Cane Hill had totally fooled Blunt?

At the time of the Battle of Prairie Grove, Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black was 23 years old.  Well educated and ambitious, Black had been rapidly promoted in the volunteer army after his strong performance at the Battle of Pea Ridge.  Waving his sword and shouting out orders, Black’s presence on the battlefield was not lost on his soldiers, one of which remarked that his long hair “gave him rather a peculiarly grand appearance.”(viii)  On this early December afternoon, in 1862, Black would provide his most valuable service to his country.  Pushing his regiment southeast towards the Borden House, nearly parallel with the bench, the 37th Illinois would be closest to the Rebel line.  With the 26th Indiana on their left, the Illinoisans would receive enfilade fire from the Confederate position.  Upon reaching the Borden house, Black gave his men time to break ranks before dressing their lines on the other side of the structure.  Unfortunately the time expended reforming their lines caused them to be become separated from the Hoosiers.  Reaching the orchard, the men from Illinois were greeted with the horrible site of the day’s festival of death – soldiers from both sides sprawled out in every conceivable way – some dead, some dying and some severely wounded.  The 26th Indiana had briefly fought in the wooded thicket to their east, but were quickly repulsed with the men streaming to the rear.  Black formed his regiment along a fence line on the north side of the orchard.  With smoke from the guns reducing visibility, the Illinoisans peered towards the hill, while shadows were lengthening with the rapidly gathering blanket of dusk.  The men inevitably heard commands being yelled out along the hillside and watched as Fagan’s Arkansas Brigade “rose like a wall before us.”  Letting loose a volley of musketry, the Rebels advanced towards Black’s men along the fence.  Black’s soldiers, now veterans, held their line and returned fire, opening gaps in Fagan’s line that would quickly close.  Black noted that, “The enemy were in immense force immediately in my front, advancing and firing as rapidly as they came….(the hail of bullets) did not seem to check them at all in their advance.”  Another Federal officer described their return fire, “The leaden hail came in one continuous stream of fire, not unlike a severe hail storm.”(ix)  One of these hissing missiles found its mark slamming into the humerus bone of Black’s uninjured left arm.  The severely wounded officer did not move to the rear but remained in the saddle, providing a calming influence over his severely pressed troops.

Facing Lieutenant Colonel Black’s 37th Illinois, in the orchard, was Charles Adams’ Arkansas Infantry regiment.  Part of Shaver’s Brigade, most of his Arkansans had never been in battle.  With a continuous storm of musketry, most of Adams’ regiment quickly made their way to the rear, not stopping until they reached the Buchanan house, nearly a mile in the rear.  Unfortunately, the retreat of Adams’ regiment did little to ease the pressure Black’s Illinoisans were receiving from three sides.  Fearing his regiment would be captured, Black ordered his men to retreat with few wasting any time making their way to the foot of the hill.  From there they would need to cross an expanse of open ground to reach the main Federal line.  With musketry and the occasional artillery ordnance chasing them along, Black’s 37th Illinois finally made it back to the Federal lines.  Unfortunately they would return with nearly 20% less men than they had started the day with.  Fortunately for the Federal goal – securing Missouri – General Blunt would arrive from the west with his Kansas Division.  While they would attack the Confederates and be repulsed, they would survive a counterattack on their position.  The next day, Blunt would meet with Hindman and agree to a truce to remove the dead and wounded. Hindman would use the truce to retreat from Prairie Grove.  His Trans-Mississippi Army would spend the winter at Fort Smith, while Blunt would continue to press his Army of the Frontier, marching back and forth across southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas.  The total butcher’s bill for the fight at Prairie Grove would be nearly 2,600 casualties evenly spread across the two armies.

With the advent of spring the campaign season of 1863 opened.  The 37th Illinois would take part in the Battle of Chalk Bluffs, near Cape Girardeau, Missouri, on May 2, 1863.  From southeast Missouri, Black would be sent, as part of Herron’s division, to Vicksburg where his regiment would be placed in the siege lines on June 13.  The proud 37th Illinois would take a prominent role in the Siege of Vicksburg and would march in to the town on July 4, 1863.  Over the coming months Black would lead his regiment during engagements in Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas.  By this time Black had been promoted to colonel and was commanding a brigade that included the 26th Indiana, 20th Iowa and 37th Illinois.  In February 1864 the men of the 37th would re-enlisted for three years, or the duration of the war.  Mustering back into service on February 28 they would receive a 30 day furlough before heading for Memphis.  From here they were ordered to pursue CSA Major General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s cavalry into central Tennessee.  Over the coming months they would again see service in Arkansas and Louisiana.  In January 1865 the brigade would be sent to Pensacola, Florida from New Orleans.  On March 13, Colonel Black received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers.  In April the brigade would participate in the siege and storming of Fort Blakely and would enter Mobile, Alabama.  After returning Texas the brigade would slowly be mustered out of service, with the 37th Illinois mustering out on May 15, 1865, the 20th Iowa on July 8, 1865 and the 26th Indiana on January 15, 1866.  All told, the 37th Illinois, Black’s original regiment, would travel 17,800 miles during the war (14,600 miles by steamer and 3,300 miles by foot) while suffering 233 casualties from all causes.

After the war, General Black would practice law and would become U.S. District Attorney of Chicago.  He would be elected to the U.S. Congress, as a Democrat, and would serve Illinois in that capacity for six terms.  He would be elected president of the Grand Army of the Republic and serve in that capacity from 1903–1904.  From 1904 through 1913 he would serve as president of the United States Civil Service Commission.  Having received severe wounds to both of his arms, he was significantly disabled after the war.  He was recognized for his brave and gallant service by being awarded the Medal of Honor for bravery at the Battle of Prairie Grove.  His citation follows:

Gallantly charged the position of the enemy at the head of his regiment, after 2 other regiments had been repulsed and driven down the hill, and captured a battery; was severely wounded.”(x)

General Black would marry Adaline Livona Griggs in 1867.  Together they would have three children: Gracia Mildred (1870), John B. (1872) and Helene (1883).  He would die suddenly on August 17, 1915 in Chicago, Illinois.  He is buried at Spring Hill Cemetery in Danville, Illinois.  General John Charles Black is a true American HERO.

(i) John Charles Black, on Ancestry.com, was used to research this article.
(ii) See John Charles Black at the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States and the Illinois Civil War Regiment and Unit Histories.
(iii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 28.
(iv) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 128.
(v) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 160.
(vi) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 176.
(vii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 180.
(viii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 189.
(ix) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pgs. 190–191.
(x) Proft, R.J. (Bob), United States of America’s Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients and Their Official Citations, published by Highland House II in 2006, Pg. 809.

One particular passage of the book caught my interest as it demonstrates the fighting elan of the field officers of the Confederate army.  CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants commanded an Arkansas infantry regiment in CSA Brigadier General James F. Fagan’s Brigade of CSA Brigadier General Francis S. Shoup’s Division.  Assigned the unenviable task of holding the north face of the hill, that was Prairie Grove, Fagan’s Brigade was assaulted by two separate Federal thrusts – first by the 20th Wisconsin and 19th Iowa – and then later in the afternoon by 37th Illinois and 26th Indiana.  These attacks were brutal, with the fighting devolving to hand-to-hand combat.  Supporting the Federal assaults were very well executed artillery bombardments by a superior Federal artillery, with 20 pieces.  Fagan’s Brigade was posted on the high ground, south beyond the West Cornfield.  Pleasants’ Arkansas Infantry held the right flank of Fagan’s Brigade and received a direct attack by the 19th Iowa.  Described by Columbus H. Gray, of Pleasants infantry, the fighting was most severe in an orchard, “We were all laying down and the Federals came up in fifty steps of us when our colonel ordered us to rise and fire.”(i)

During the melee around the orchard, Colonel Joseph Pleasants became one of the many Confederate casualties.  Unable to describe the heroism better than Mr. Shea, the following text, from “Fields of Blood,” describes Pleasants’ actions leading his regiment.

“Among the dozens of Rebels who fell in the orchard was Colonel Pleasants.  A bullet broke his leg, but he stayed on his horse until the animal was shot out from under him.  In excruciating pain, the forty-seven year old Virginia native was dragged clear of his horse and propped up against a tree.  When Captain Henry C. Pleasants attempted to carry his father to the rear, the older man would have none of it.  He stated that “his place was with the regiment” and that “he would take care of himself.”  Others offered to move Pleasants to the opposite side of the tree so he would be protected from enemy fire.  “No,” he said, “my boys fight so well I must see them through the charge.”  When the fighting ended, Colonel Pleasants insisted that all the other wounded members of the regiment be removed before he allowed himself to be taken to the rear.  At the hospital he refused to let surgeons dress his wound until everyone else had been looked after.  Pleasants’ selfless behavior may have contributed to his death ten days later.”(ii)

CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants was a brave leader that led his men from the front.  Even after his wounding, he refused to be removed from the field until all his wounded men had been taken care of.  While Congressional Medals of Honor were never awarded to Confederate soldiers, Pleasants’ gallantry at Prairie Grove would have been deserving of such recognition had he been fighting in a blue uniform.  Today we are one country - with fifty separate state flags – flying next to one national flag.  I am proud to say that Colonel Joseph Pleasants is a true American HERO, who fought bravely, and selflessly, for what he believed in.

(i) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by The University of North Carolina Press in 2009, Pg. 177.
(ii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by The University of North Carolina Press in 2009, Pg. 178.

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.

Captain Acheson would be well regarded by the soldiers in his company.  Through his leadership, drilling and training he would earn their trust.(i)  After a brief stint guarding the North Central Railroad the 140th Pennsylvania would be assigned to the V Corps, Middle Department, reporting to Falmouth, Virginia on December 15, 1862.  Arriving too late to participate in the debacle at Fredericksburg, the first major action the 140th would participate in would be at Chancellorsville, April 30 – May 6, 1863.  Having been transferred to the Third Brigade, First Division of US Major General Darius Couch’s II Corps, Acheson would see hard action at Chancellorsville.(ii)  US Major General Joseph Hooker’s Army of the Potomac would be brutally repulsed, retreating north across the Rappahannock River.

In June, CS General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia would take the war north of the Mason-Dixon Line.  Arriving in Pennsylvania, in late June, Lee would be opposed by a new Federal commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade.  All roads pointed to Gettysburg, where from July 1–3, 1863, 160,000 men would give battle.  On the second day of battle, new II Corps commander, US Major General Winfield S. Hancock would be ordered to support US Major General Daniel E. Sickles’ III Corps which was nearly a mile out of position.  US Brigadier General John Caldwell’s First Division would be sent to support the III Corps.  Captain David Acheson’s Company C, 140th Pennsylvania would be part of US Brigadier General Samuel Zook’s Third Brigade.  They would be sent through the retreating remnants of Sickles’ III Corps, into a rapidly advancing enemy.  Acheson, leading from the front, would be shot twice by a soldier in the 3d South Carolina Infantry.  Unfortunately, due to the speed of the approaching Confederates, Acheson’s mortally wounded body would be left on the field.  When the Confederates retreated, on July 3, Acheson’s body was recovered, and buried on the John T. Weikert Farm.  One of his soldiers carved his initials in a small boulder used as a temporary headstone.  Acheson would be re-buried near his home, in Washington, Pennsylvania, on July 15, 1863.  Fortunately the carved boulder allowed his family to find his remains.  Five years later, a member of Company C returned to Gettysburg.(iii)  Finding the boulder used as Acheson’s temporary headstone, he carved the initials deeper into the rock, allowing future generations to know where Acheson was originally buried.

Captain David Acheson served with distinction at Gettysburg, and is a true American HERO.

(i) Captain David Acheson: 140th Pennsylvania used to research this article.
(ii) The Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System was used to research this article.
(iii) U.S. Civil War Soldiers Records and Profiles, from Ancestry.com, was used to research this article.

The 143d Pennsylvania Infantry would be in garrison duty around Washington City.  They would be assigned there from November 7, 1862 through January 17, 1863.  In January 1863 the 143d would be assigned to US Colonel Roy Stone’s Second Brigade, US Major General Abner Doubleday’s Third Division of US Major General John F. Reynolds’s I Corps.  At the Battle of Chancellorsville, Reynolds’s I Corps would be involved in the Federal defense of the Rappahannock River crossing at U.S. Ford.  Holding the far right flank of the defensive line, the I Corps would be instrumental in allowing US Major General Joe Hooker’s Army of the Potomac to safely retreat across the Rappahannock River, ending the primary fighting at Chancellorsville.

On July 1, 1863, during the first day’s fighting at Gettysburg, DeLacey and the 143d Pennsylvania would be posted along the Chambersburg Pike, during the initial Confederate assaults along McPherson’s Ridge.  They stayed in this advanced position throughout the fighting on McPherson’s Ridge, and would be the last Federal regiment to pull back through the streets of Gettysburg.  CSA Lieutenant General A.P. Hill recalled their fighting retreat stating they, “fought for some time with much obstinacy,” and he would never forget their color-bearer, “turning round every now and then to shake his fist at the advancing rebels.”(iii)  They would suffer 253 casualties of the 465 soldiers brought to Gettysburg – a casualty rate of 54.4%.(iv)  After their beating on July 1, the 143d Pennsylvania, and most of the I Corps, would remain in reserve near Cemetery and Culp’s Hills.  DeLacey, and the I Corps, would be involved in the pursuit of CSA General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, from July 5–24, 1863.  After the Gettysburg Campaign, the 143d Pennsylvania Infantry would be assigned various garrison duties, until the spring campaign season of 1864. 

Prior to US Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant’s Overland Campaign, the 143d Pennsylvania would be reassigned to Roy Stone’s Third Brigade, US Brigadier General James S. Wadsworth’s Fourth Division of US Major General Gouverneur K. Warren’s V Corps.  At the opening battle of the Overland Campaign, the Battle of the Wilderness, Sergeant Patrick DeLacey would provide his most gallant service to the United States.  On the second day of the battle, May 6, Stone’s brigade was posted west of Brock Road on the Orange Plank Road.  Warren’s V Corps was engaged in a hot battle against CSA Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s 1st Corps.(v)  During the fighting at this important crossroads, DeLacey ran ahead of the Federal lines, shooting a Confederate color-bearer, before returning to his own lines.  His gallantry rallied much of his brigade, and division, allowing for a successful holding action while awaiting additional reinforcements. 

DeLacey would remain in the 143d Pennsylvania Infantry through the remainder of the Civil War, fighting at Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna River, Cold Harbor, Petersburg and the Weldon Railroad.  The 143d Pennsylvania would be ordered to Hart’s Island, New York, in February 1865, to guard the prison camp there.  During his service, Patrick DeLacey would be promoted to full Sergeant Major on October 6, 1864 and Second Lieutenant on May 24, 1865.  For his actions at the Wilderness, DeLacey was awarded the Medal of Honor, on April 24, 1894.  His citation read:

Running ahead of the line, under a concentrated fire, he shot the color bearer of a Confederate regiment on the works, thus contributing to the success of the attack.(vi)

After the Civil War, Lieutenant Patrick DeLacey would run for Superior Judge in Pennsylvania.  He would die in Scranton, Pennsylvania on April 27, 1915.  He was 84.  He was buried at Saint Catherine’s Cemetery in Moscow, Pennsylvania.  DeLacey is a true American HERO.

(i)  Ancestry.com was used to research this article.  Click here for additional information.
(ii) The Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System was used to research this article.
(iii) Trudeau, Noah Andre, Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pg. 233.
(iv) Trudeau, Noah Andre, Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by Harper Collins in 2002, Pg. 567.
(v) Rhea, Gordon C., The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5–6, 1864, published by Louisiana State University Press in 1994, Pg. 296.
(vi) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 849.

With the outbreak of the Civil War, young “Trim” Brown, then 19, entered the Confederate service as a 1st Lieutenant in the artillery.  During the war he would serve in all three branches of the Confederate military.  In 1862, having learned that Colonel Nathan Bedford Forrest was organizing a cavalry brigade to operate in central Tennessee – where his home was located - he lobbied Major Baxter Smith to join the staff of his 8th Tennessee Cavalry regiment.  Smith later said, to The Daily American (Nashville, Tennessee), “because of my knowledge and admiration for his father and the family,” he was placed on his staff.

In July 1862, Forrest was ordered to Murfreesboro, Tennessee to seize the Federal garrison stationed there (approximately 940 men), commanded by US Brigadier Thomas T. Crittenden.(ii)  The garrison was a supply depot for the Federal Army of the Ohio, commanded by US Major General Don Carlos Buell.  Situated on the important Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, it was of strategic importance to the Army of the Ohio.  Attacking the garrison before dawn, on July 13, Forrest surprised the Federal troops, over running the 9th Pennsylvania Cavalry.  During the ensuing battle, the Confederate cavalry was facing stiff opposition from the 3rd Minnesota Infantry, supporting a battery of four cannon.  Bedford Forrest, asked Smith if his cavalry could capture the hastily formed enemy line.  Smith, after looking towards his staff, determined they could and answered affirmatively.  He stated that “Trim” Brown looked like he was, “eager for the fray.”  Advancing rapidly, they captured the position, leading to a complete Confederate victory at the battle of First Murfreesboro.  Baxter Smith later said of Trim’s performance, “No one on that memorable day bore himself more gallantly or acted his part better.”(iii)

In September 1862, Trim Brown was appointed aide-de-camp of his uncle’s infantry brigade.  He performed well in the battles of Chickamauga and Chattanooga.  The following year, Trim would return to the cavalry, of the Army of Tennessee, as assistant adjutant general, a position he would hold through the end of the Civil War.  He would receive brevet promotion to captain, however he would never be confirmed by the government.  His final rank would be first lieutenant, the same rank he was appointed to at the start of the war.

Brown would return to Nashville after the war, marrying Jane Foster Nichol.  They would have two sons and a daughter.  Becoming a lawyer, his ambition would earn him a reputation as one of the best attorneys in Nashville.  In 1878, Trim would run for district attorney.  On May 31, while attending Decoration Day festivities (honoring Union dead from the Civil War), he would become ill, supposedly from the heat.  His condition would worsen and he would die while being cared for by his brother-in-law, a local physician.  He was 36 years old.  A local attorney compared him to President Andrew Jackson, “In war he exhibited the heroism of a soldier.  He possessed as high an order of courage as ever characterized the Hero of Hermitage, and was as knightly and heroic in his bearing.”(iv)

His funeral was large and well attended.  It included a procession of the local militia, of which Trim was a member, two large guns and his rider-less horse followed the hearse.  The helmet he had worn rested on the horn of his saddle.  Lieutenant James Trimble Brown was interred at Mt. Olivet Cemetery.  He is a true American HERO, having fought bravely for the cause he believed in.

(i) James Trimble Brown, at Ancestry.com, was used to research this article.
(ii) Battle of Murfreesboro I, at Wikipedia, was used to research this article.
(iii) Coddington, Ronald S., Faces of the Confederacy, published by The Johns Hopkins University Press in 2008, Pg. 39.
(iv) Coddington, Ronald S., Faces of the Confederacy, published by The Johns Hopkins University Press in 2008, Pg. 41.

Waller, with his 6th Wisconsin would leave for Washington City, and would remain there until July 28, 1861.  In June 1862, the regiment would be assigned to US Brigadier General John Gibbon’s Fourth Brigade, of Rufus King’s First Division in the III Corps of the Army of Virginia.  They would see some action at Cedar Mountain on August 9.  Gibbon’s brigade, then called the “Black Hat” brigade, would be comprised of all western regiments: 2nd Wisconsin, 6th Wisconsin, 7th Wisconsin and the 19th Indiana.  On their march, to intercept CS Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s Left Wing, thought to be at Centreville, Virginia, the brigade would be surprised by the Confederates at the Battle of Brawner’s Farm.  The brigade would suffer terribly at this opening battle of Second Manassas, and would earn a reputation for bravery.  In September 1862, during the Maryland Campaign, they would be heavily engaged at South Mountain, earning the new nickname – Iron Brigade.  On September 17, at the Battle of Antietam, Waller, would participate in some of the hardest fighting at the Corn Field.  Again, the Iron Brigade would suffer tremendously.  From December 12–15, they would fight at the Battle of Fredericksburg.  Continuing to earn a reputation for hard fighting, they would be engaged at the Battle of Chancellorsville, in early May 1863.

CS General Robert E. Lee, determined to take the fight to the north, would invade Pennsylvania in June 1863.  The Federal Army of the Potomac, with its new commander, US Major General George G. Meade, pursued Lee.  On July 1, he found the Army of Northern Virginia at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.  On that day, then corporal, Francis Waller would provide his most valuable service to the United States.  Fighting would commence early that day, between US Brigadier General John Buford’s cavalry division and CS Major General Henry Heth’s Confederate infantry division.  Buford’s dismounted cavalry was able to slow Heth’s approach to Gettysburg until US Major General John Reynold’s I Corps was able to arrive.  The Iron Brigade was part of the I Corps and was one of the first infantry brigades to arrive at the rapidly developing Battle of Gettysburg.  While the rest of the brigade (2nd Wisconsin, 7th Wisconsin, 19th Indiana and 24th Michigan) fought at Herbst Woods, on McPherson’s Ridge, the 6th Wisconsin was sent north of the Chambersburg Pike to reinforce US Brigadier General Lysander Cutler’s brigade.  As the battle raged, between 10:30 a.m and 11:15 a.m., the reinforced Confederate line began to push the Federals back, towards the Lutheran Seminary.  The portion of Cutler’s line, that included the 6th Wisconsin was refused, facing north, near an unfinished railroad cut.  This railroad cut proved fateful for CS Brigadier General Joseph R. Davis’ brigade, comprised of Mississippians and North Carolinians.  Davis would push three regiments of his brigade, into the cut, in an effort to flank the Federal I Corps.  Unfortunately the walls of the cut proved to high to allow accurate musket fire, or artillery support.  Pushing through the cut, the Confederates became easy targets for the Federal regiments arrayed on the south bank of the cut.  The 14th Brooklyn, 95th New York and the 6th Wisconsin opened a withering fire on the soldiers trapped in the cut.  Many of the Confederates surrendered, but plenty determined to fight their way out.  The fighting devolved to hand-to-hand combat.  During the hardest fighting, Waller engaged the color bearer of the 2nd Mississippi Infantry, Corporal William B. Murphy.  The two would fight gallantly for the cherished flag.  Waller triumphed, killing Murphy and securing the Mississippi colors.  For his brave, and selfless actions, Waller would be awarded the Medal of Honor.  During the fighting at Gettysburg, the Iron Brigade would suffer 1,212 casualties of the 1,883 soldiers (64%) that arrived at McPherson’s Ridge.(ii)

Waller would continue to serve with the 6th Wisconsin, through the remainder of the Civil War.  He would fight at Mine Run, The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, Five Forks and Appomattox Court House.  Waller would receive promotions to 2nd Lieutenant on December 21, 1864 and 1st Lieutenant on March 23, 1865.  On December 1, 1864, Waller would be awarded the Medal of Honor.  His official citation reads:

“Capture of flag of 2d Mississippi Infantry (C.S.A.). (iii)

After the Civil War, Lieutenant Waller would return to Vernon County, Wisconsin.  He would die on April 30, 1911 in Bentford, South Dakota.  He is buried at Walnut Mound Cemetery in Retreat, Wisconsin.  Francis Waller is a true American HERO.

(i) The Civil War Soldiers and Sailor System was used to research this article.
(ii) The Gettysburg National Military Park website was used to research this article.  Click here to view the transcript.
(iii) The Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients website was used to research this article.

After his early education, Gibbon would be appointed to the Military Academy at West Point, in 1843.  Graduating in 1847, he would be commissioned second lieutenant in the 3rd U.S. Artillery.  Gibbon would be in Mexico for the Mexican War, but would see not significant action.  Later, he would be in Florida during the Seminole War.  As an artillery instructor, as West Point, Gibbon would write, “The Artillerists Manual,” in 1859.  He would be sent west, to Utah, after the Utah War.  There he would be a captain in the 4th U.S. Artillery, stationed at Camp Floyd.(ii)

With the outbreak of the Civil War, Gibbon would still be stationed in Utah.  Although his father was a slave holder, Gibbon’s loyalty to the United States never wavered.  Three of his brothers, two brothers-in-law and a cousin, J. Johnston Pettigrew, who would be a brigadier general, fought for the Confederacy.  Brought quickly to the eastern theater, Gibbon would become chief of artillery for US Brigadier General Irvin McDowell’s division.  He would be promoted brigadier general on May 2, 1862.  Taking command of an all Western brigade, with regiments from Wisconsin, and Indiana, Gibbon would mould them into a fighting machine.  Often considered a disciplinarian, he would take good care of his troops, making sure they received adequate rations and equipment – for this, he was well respected by his men.  With the formation of US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia, Gibbon’s Fourth Brigade would be assigned to US Brigadier General Rufus King’s First Division of McDowell’s III Corps.  With the brigade’s new uniforms, sporting black U.S. Army Hardee Hats, that Gibbon officially requisitioned, the brigade would be called the “Black Hat Brigade.”  In late August 1862, Pope’s Army of the Virginia was searching for CS Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson’s 2nd Corps, which had been detached from CS General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, to prevent Pope from combining forces with US Major General George B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac.  At the Battle of Cedar Mountain, on August 9, Jackson’s forces would defeat a detachment of Pope’s forces, commanded by US Major General Nathanial Banks.  After the battle, Pope believing that Jackson had moved to Centreville, pushed his two corps northeast to battle them, before the rest of Lee’s army could arrive.  With McDowell’s III Corps pushing east on the Warrenton Turnpike, towards Centreville, on August 28, they would be surprised by a flank attack near the First Manassas battlefield.  Gibbon’s brigade would be right at the center of what would be called the battle of Brawner’s Farm.  With support from US Brigadier General Abner Doubleday’s Second Brigade, Gibbon’s western men would hold the majority of one of Jackson’s divisions, at bay, for over two hours.  The battle at Brawner’s Farm would be the start of the battle of Second Manassas.  Gibbon’s “Black Hat” brigade performed extremely well, but was badly mauled.  They would would see little additional action, during Second Manassas, being held in a reserve capacity.  Unfortunately, for the Federal army, Lee was able to reunite his entire Army of Northern Virginia, crushing Pope’s Army of Virginia, on the fields of Manassas.  Like the aftermath of First Manassas, Second Manassas was a complete rout, with the army streaming back to Washington City, and Alexandria, Virginia.  Lee however, turned north, determined to invade Northern soil, and recruit new soldiers in Maryland.

In Washington, Abraham Lincoln, much to the consternation of his Cabinet (the Cabinet believed that McClellan withheld reinforcements from Pope causing the defeat at Second Manassas), would place McClellan in charge of the now combined Army of the Potomac, that included the remainder of Pope’s army.  Pope would be shuttled off to a rural command, in Minnesota.  McClellan’s reconstituted army quickly pursued Lee, on a parallel path, into Maryland.  Lee, being west of South Mountain, near Frederick, had the mountain passes, from the east, well protected.  On September 14, at what would be known as the battle of South Mountain, Gibbon’s brigade would earn a new moniker – Iron Brigade – for its offensive action at Turner’s Gap.  Facing over 5,000 Confederate troops, commanded by CS Major General Daniel Harvey Hill, on the National Road, the Iron Brigade forced their way through the gap.  They received valuable support from three divisions of US Major General Joe Hooker’s I Corps, positioned north of Turner’s Gap.  Overnight, Lee would withdraw his troops, from the South Mountain Passes, after Crampton’s Gap was captured by the Federal army.  Gibbon’s brigade, badly bruised, was able to push through Turner’s Gap, on September 15, pursuing the Army of Virginia towards Sharpsburg, Maryland.

On September 17, 1862, George McClellan’s Army of the Potomac attacked Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, near Sharpsburg, Maryland.  The battle would be named after a meandering stream, east of town – Antietam.  The carnage of that day exceeded any other one day loss our country has ever suffered; including Normandy, the Battle of the Bulge and Okinawa.  Before dawn, on what would be a warm fall day, Joe Hooker’s I Corps prepared to assault Lee’s left flank, resting not far from the Dunker Meeting House (church).  Gibbon’s Iron Brigade would take an active role in attacking Jackson’s 2nd Corps on this day, approaching through a cornfield.  Wave after wave of Federal soldiers would pass through the “corn field” and be pushed back by Lee’s rugged fighters.  Before the battle in that sector was over, the Iron Brigade would suffer terrific casualties, with their blood christening the field, which from thence forward would be known as a proper noun: The Corn Field.  The men of the west, led by John Gibbon, would once again show their elan, their fighting spirit, their strength under fire – validating their status as the Iron Brigade.  The battle of Antietam would be fought to a draw, both sides holding roughly the same position they held before the fight.  On September 18, there would be a short truce for each side to recover their wounded – and bury their dead.  On September 19, McClellan would find the Confederate army gone.  Lee had escaped over the Potomac, into Northern Virginia.  McClellan dubbed it a great victory.  Lincoln, and the civil authorities, were disturbed that McClellan did not push his tough fought victory, trapping Lee against the Potomac and decimating the army.  The “draw,” however, was good enough for Lincoln to issue his war-time measure, the “Emancipation Proclamation,” essentially freeing all slaves, in areas actively rebelling against the Federal government, on January 1, 1863.  The objectives of the war had changed.

After the battle of Antietam, John Gibbon would move to division command, commanding the Second Division of US Major General John F. Reynolds’ I Corps.  At Fredericksburg, Gibbon’s division would participate in the fighting with US Major General William Franklin’s Left Grand Division.  They would attack a well fortified position, commanded by CS Lieutenant General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson.  Like every other action, in the Battle of Fredericksburg, the Federal army would be repulsed – time, after time, after time.  The battle was considered a debacle, with the army commander, US Major General Ambrose Burnside, being removed from command, shortly after the battle.  Gibbon would be wounded leading his division, a minor wound that would take a significant time to heal.

Returning to his command, in the spring, Gibbon would find the Army of the Potomac had a new commander, US Major General “Fighting” Joe Hooker.  Hooker had planned a flanking move, west of Fredericksburg, that would allow all his corps, less US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps held in Fredericksburg as a diversion, to fall on Lee’s rear, destroying his army.  Unfortunately, at the battle of Chancellorsville, Hooker’s plans fell apart and the Army of the Potomac would suffer another terrible defeat.  Robert E. Lee was able to divide his army, and with Jackson’s 2nd Corps attack Hooker’s right flank, rolling it up.  Gibbon’s division saw little action as they were held in reserve.  As in September 1862, after his victory at Second Manassas, Lee determined to take his army north of the Mason-Dixon Line.  With Hooker’s Army of the Potomac having retreated north, licking its wounds, Lee, hidden by the Shenandoah Mountains, pushed into Pennsylvania in late June. 

Meanwhile, Hooker having difficulty determining a strategy for expelling Lee from the North, was removed from command.  Taking over command, several days before the largest battle on American soil, US Major General George Gordon Meade would push his Army of the Potomac north, feeling for Lee.  Unfortunately, Lee’s army would find the Federal cavalry, commanded by US Brigadier General John Buford, at Gettysburg on July 1.  Having arrived there before the Federal infantry, Buford was able to hold an entire Confederate division, commanded by CS Major General Henry Heth, at bay, until reinforcements could arrive.  The I Corps, commanded by US Major General John F. Reynolds arrived first, followed closely by US Major General Oliver O. Howard’s XI Corps.  Reynolds would be killed early in the action.  Fortunately, the new II Corps’ commander, US Major General Winfield S. Hancock, arrived to take over the rapidly deteriorating position.  He would pull the army back through Gettysburg, and fortify Culp’s Hill, south of Gettysburg, with his II Corps making up the left flank of the army, extending south along Cemetery Ridge.  Commanding the Second Division of Hancock’s II Corps, Gibbon was very involved, at times commanding the entire corps, placing the troops of the II Corps.  The placements were very good and would have a significant impact on the outcome of the Battle of Gettysburg, on July 3.  After having been, if not repulsed, significantly held during actions on both Federal flanks, on July 2, Lee determined overnight that Meade had weakened his center during the fighting on July 2, so he would attack the center of Meade’s line on July 3.  In what would become known as Pickett’s Charge, after CS Major General George E. Pickett, Lee sent close to two divisions across the open ground towards the center of Hancock’s II Corps, holding Cemetery Ridge.  Meade had predicted this, stating to Gibbon after a late night meeting, with his commanders, “If Lee attacks tomorrow, it will be on your front.”  Meade’s warning to Gibbon was very prescient.  His division would be at the epicenter of Pickett’s attack.  Fortunately, both Hancock, and Gibbon, had prepared their defensive line well.  The II Corps was able to turn Pickett’s Charge, inflicting terrible losses on the Confederates, with only a few soldiers breaking the Federal line.  Of these was CS Brigadier General Lewis A. Armistead, a close friend of Hancock’s, from before the war, who would be mortally wounded leading his troops toward a Federal cannon.  Both Hancock, and Gibbon, would be wounded at Gettysburg.  Hancock’s wound proved more serious and troubled him for the rest of his life.  Gibbon was able to recover, and join his division, before the spring campaign season of 1864.  While recovering he would command a draft department in Cleveland.  In November, Gibbon would travel back to Gettysburg, and be at the dedication of the National Cemetery.  He and friend, Frank Haskell, also witnessed Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address.

In May 1864, Gibbon now back in command of his II Corps’ Division, would participate in the bloody battles soon to take place in Virginia.  With a new overall commander, US Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant, the action was sure to be fast, and brutal.  Grant had come from the west, after many successful battles, and the capture of two Confederate armies, to take over command of all Federal land forces.  Instead of having his headquarters in Washington City, Grant chose to have a field office with the Army of the Potomac, nominally under the command of Meade.  In the Overland Campaign, Gibbon’s division, and the rest of the II Corps, would participate in the bloodiest string of battles of the Civil War: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna and Cold Harbor.  While accumulating huge losses, estimated at 60,000 of all types, Grant’s tactical plan was to continue to push past Lee’s right flank, eventually uncovering Richmond.  If the opportunity to crush Lee’s army, outside field works, were given, he would take advantage of this.  Unfortunately, Lee was always slightly ahead of Grant, able to throw up impenetrable works, and abatis.  After the slug fest at Cold Harbor, where Gibbon’s division would again suffer serious losses, Grant was able to make one of the most amazing change-of-fronts, which has ever occurred.  With help from US Major General Benjamin Butler’s Army of the James, and US Major General Phil Sheridan’s cavalry corps, a major diversion was made, making Lee believe that Grant intended on fighting along the Cold Harbor line.  In fact, Grant put his army on the move, crossing the Chickahominy River and the James River (a feat that required building a 2,100 foot pontoon bridge) and heading south towards Petersburg, Virginia.  Gibbon would be promoted, major general volunteers, on June 7, for heroism leading his division, during the Overland Campaign.

With the Armies of the Potomac and James, now laying siege to Petersburg, and Richmond, Grant’s operational plan was to continue lengthening his lines south, and west, knowing that Lee was unable to cover his lines, with the forces he had available to him.  Eventually a breakthrough point would be found and Grant would take advantage of it.  No one would have thought that it would take ten months, and thousands of additional Federal casualties, for the breakthrough to take place.  During this time, Winfield Scott’s II Corps would be sent on a mission, to destroy track of the Weldon Railroad, lengthening Lee’s supply lines.  After pushing past Ream’s Station, on August 25, the II Corps would run into Confederate cavalry commanded by CS Major General Wade Hampton.  Additionally, Hancock now faced the infantry of CS Lieutenant General A.P. Hill.  Falling back to Ream’s Station, the II Corps fell behind crude fortifications, and would end up being badly beaten, in the battle called Second Ream’s Station.  This would be the only battle that Hancock would lose, while in independent command.  Gibbon was disheartened with his division’s performance, and would briefly command the XVIII Corps, of the Army of the James, before taking leave, due to sickness. 

After rehabilitating, Gibbon would command the newly created XXIV Corps, assigned to the Army of the James.  His corps would eventually help create the breakthrough, that Grant had waited so long for, with the capture of Fort Gregg, on April 2, 1865.  In combination with the recapture of Fort Stedman, and a Federal victory at Five Forks, on April 1, Lee would be forced to retreat, along the Appomattox River.  During the final battle, at Appomattox Court House, Gibbon’s troops would block Lee’s only escape route, forcing his surrender to Ulysses S. Grant, on April 9, 1865.  Gibbon would be one of three commissioners that would accept Lee’s formal surrender.

Gibbon would remain in the U.S. Army, after the Civil War.  His rank would revert to Colonel in the regular army.  Gibbon would command infantry, in Montana, and participate in the Indian Wars.  In 1885 Gibbon would finally receive promotion to brigadier general regular army. 

After returning east, Gibbon would become president of the Iron Brigade Association, and Commander in Chief of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States.  He would die in Baltimore, Maryland on February 6, 1896.  He was 68.  Gibbon is buried at Arlington Cemetery.  His book, “Personal Recollections of the Civil War,” was published posthumously in 1928.  Major General John Gibbon is a true American HERO.

(i) John Gibbon, at BattlefieldPortraits.com, was used to research this article.
(ii) John Gibbon, at Wikipedia, was used to research this article.
(iii) Haskell, Frank A., The Battle of Gettysburg, published 1908, Pgs. 34–37.