Sullivan Ballou, U.S. Major

Birth Date: March 28, 1829
Birth Place: Smithfield, Rhode Island

Date of Death: July 29, 1861
Location of Death: Manassas, Virginia

Education: Brown University and National Law School

Military Experience: Civil War

Major Battles: First Battle of Bull Run

Awards/Medals/Promotions: Commissioned major 2d Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry (June 5, 1861)

Biography:

Sullivan Ballou was born on March 28, 1829 in Smithfield, Rhode Island. His parents, Hiram and Emeline Ballou, nee Bowen, were of Huguenot descent. Young Sullivan would suffer the loss of his father on June 30, 1833 when he was only four years old.(i) Forced to provide for himself, Sullivan would become a self-made man. He attended Phillips Academy as a youth and would graduate from Brown University. After graduating from college he would attend National Law School and be admitted to the Rhode Island bar in 1853. Growing up in New England, Ballou would become a staunch abolitionist. Before the outbreak of the Civil War, he would be elected to the Rhode Island House of Representatives and would serve as house speaker. Ballou married Sarah Hunt Shumway on October 15, 1855. They had two children, Edgar Fowler (August 21, 1856) and William Bowen (January 2, 1859).(ii)

Ballou was an ardent Republican and supported Abraham Lincoln in the 1860 general election. After the firing on Fort Sumter, on April 12, 1861, and Lincoln’s April 15 call for 75,000 state militia troops, he would be commissioned major in the 2d Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry regiment on June 5, 1861.(iii) After being mustered into Federal service, the 2d Rhode Island Volunteers would leave for Washington City on June 19, 1861. They were stationed at Camp Sprague until July 16 where they would be drilled and receive arms.(iv) The regiment would be assigned to a brigade in Brigadier General David Hunter’s division of the Army of Northeastern Virginia, commanded by Brigadier General Irvin McDowell. The brigade was commanded by Colonel Ambrose E. Burnside who organized the 2d Rhode Island Volunteers.(v)

On July 16 General McDowell set his army in motion to confront the Confederate Army of the Potomac which was camped near Manassas, Virginia. This would be the first march for the green soldiers of the Federal army and it would be very trying. Most had never marched in regimental units, much less as a large fighting army. It would be Ballou’s first march – and his last. Many soldiers were said to have premonitions of death before battle. Ballou’s is perhaps the most poignant example of such premonitions – so much so that his letter was featured in Ken Burns’ documentary, The Civil War. His stirring letter to his wife, Sarah, was written on July 14 while still encamped near Washington:

July the 14th, 1861
Camp Clark, Washington

My very dear Sarah:
The indications are very strong that we shall move in a few days – perhaps tomorrow. Lest I should not be able to write again, I feel impelled to write a few lines that may fall under your eye when I shall be no more….

I have no misgivings about, or lack of confidence in the cause in which I am engaged, and my courage does not halt or falter.  I know how strongly American Civilization now leans on the triumph of the Government and how great a debt we owe to those who went before us through the blood and suffering of the Revolution.  And I am willing – perfectly willing – to lay down all my joys in this life, to help maintain this Government, and to pay that debt….

Sarah my love for you is deathless, it seems to bind me with mighty cables that nothing but Omnipotence could break; and yet my love of Country comes over me like a strong wind and bears me unresistibly on with all these chains to the battle field.

The memories of the blissful moments I have spent with you come creeping over me, and I feel most gratified to God and to you that I have enjoyed them for so long.  And hard it is for me to give them up and burn to ashes the hopes of future years, when, God willing, we might still have lived and loved together, and seen our sons grown up to honorable manhood, around us.  I have, I know, but few and small claims upon Divine Providence, but something whispers to me – perhaps in the wafted prayer of my little Edgar, that I shall return to my loved ones unharmed. If I do not my dear Sarah, never forget how much I love you, and when my last breath escapes me on the battle field, it will whisper your name. Forgive my many faults and the many pains I have caused you.  How thoughtless and foolish I have often times been!  How gladly would I wash out with my tears every little spot upon your happiness….

But, O Sarah!  If the dead can come back to this earth and fit unseen around those they loved, I shall always be near you; in the gladdest days and in the darkest nights…. always, always, and if there be a soft breeze upon your cheek, it shall be my breath, as the cool air fans your throbbing temple, it shall be my spirit passing by.  Sarah do not mourn me dead; think I am gone and wait for thee, for we shall meet again….

As for my little boys, they will grow as I have done, and never know their father’s love and care.  Little Willie is too young to remember me long, and my blue-eyed Edgar will keep my frolics with him among the dimmest memories of his childhood.  Sarah, I have unlimited confidence in your maternal care and your development of their characters. Tell my two mothers, his and hers, I call God’s blessing on them.  O Sarah, I wait for you there!  Come to me, and lead thither my children.

Sullivan(vi)

On July 21, 1861 the opposing armies would meet in the fields north of Manassas, Virginia. Fought along the meandering Bull Run Creek, the battle would be known as First Bull Run, in the North, and First Manassas in the South. Ballou would be with his 2d Rhode Island Volunteers as they were sent with Burnside’s Brigade on a long flanking march via Sudley Ford. There they crossed Bull Run Creek and marched south towards Manassas. They would clash with CSA Colonel Nathan Evans’ Brigade near the crest of present day Matthews Hill. This opening engagement of the battle would be brutal as the green troops, from both sides, endured their “baptism of fire.” Ballou was conspicuous as he led his men on horseback. During the ensuing fight he would be mortally wounded by an artillery shell which ripped through his right leg, killing his horse. Taken to the rear, the remainder of the leg was amputated. Ballou died one week later, on July 29, and was buried near the Sudley Church. Based on eyewitness accounts it was learned that Ballou’s body was exhumed and mutilated by Confederate soldiers.(vii) While his remains were never identified, portions of what was believed to be his body were reinterred at Swan Point Cemetery in Providence, Rhode Island. The moving letter which Ballou wrote to Sarah was never mailed but was found in his personal trunk after he died. It was delivered to Sarah by Governor William Sprague, who led the party which exhumed the bodies of Rhode Islanders killed at the First Battle of Bull Run.

While Sullivan Ballou would gain fame in the late 20th Century for the letter he wrote his wife, he is first and foremost an American HERO. Inevitably, I am quite certain that Ballou would prefer to be remembered for his actions on the battlefield than his personal letter to Sarah. He was a line officer who chose to lead from the front instead of behind the lines. While he died in the first major battle of the Civil War, who knows how far he could have advanced in the army? Many lesser officers received promotion to general officer. This writer is proud to call America home – just as Sullivan Ballou did nearly 200 years ago.

i. See the Sullivan Ballou family tree on Ancestry.com.
ii. Ibid.
iii. U.S. Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles as provided by Ancestry.com.
iv. See the 2d Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry page at the Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System.
v. See the Union Order of Battle – First Manassas at the Manassas National Battlefield Park National Park Service website.
vi. See The Civil War at PBS.org.
vii. See Sullivan Ballou: The Macabre Fate of an American Civil War Major at HistoryNet.com.

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Ezra Ayers Carman, U.S. Colonel

Birth Date: February 27, 1834
Birth Place: Oak Tree, Middlesex County, New Jersey

Date of Death: December 25, 1909
Location of Death: Washington City, District of Columbia

Education: Kentucky Military Institute and University of Nashville

Military Experience: Civil War

Major Battles: Williamsburg (May 5, 1862), Antietam (September 17, 1862), Chancellorsville (April 30 – May 6, 1863), Gettysburg (July 1 – 3, 1863), Atlanta Campaign (May – September, 1864), Sherman’s March to the Sea (November 2 – December 13, 1864)

Awards/Medals/Promotions: colonel (July 8, 1862), brevet brigadier general (March 13, 1865)

Biography:

Ezra Ayers Carman was born on February 27, 1834 at Oak Tree, New Jersey. He was the eldest son of Nelanchton Freeman Carman and Anna Marie nee Ayers. After receiving his early education in Middlesex County, New Jersey, Carman clerked at the United States Post Office and Farmers Bank, both in Rahway, New Jersey. In September 1853, 19 year old Ezra entered the Kentucky Military Institute as a cadet. On June 7, 1855, he received an A.B. degree, at what would be later known as the University of Nashville. He delivered the class valedictorian address. After his graduation he would become an assistant professor of mathematics and would chair the department until 1856. He earned his A.M. degree from the university in 1858. Leaving Nashville, after his graduation, Carman would return to New Jersey and work as a bookkeeper at T.P. Howell’s – a manufacturer of leather goods.(i)

With the outbreak of sectional hostilities, Carman was gripped, as many of his northern compatriots, with patriotic fervor. He traveled to Washington City and was present, as a civilian, at the First Battle of Bull Run. Returning to New Jersey, Carman would be appointed lieutenant colonel of the 7th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry on September 19, 1861 – two weeks after being mustered into Federal service.(ii) They would be immediately ordered to Washington City where they would remain until the start of US Major General George B. McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign.

Carman departed Washington between April 5 and 8 aboard the steamers transporting the Army of the Potomac to Fortress Monroe, near Hampton, Virginia. He would see his first action at the Siege of Yorktown and would be wounded on May 5, 1862 at the Battle of Williamsburg. The serious wound to his right arm would require him to return to New Jersey to recuperate. While at home, he would be appointed colonel of the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry on July 8, 1862. His new regiment would be mustered into Federal service on August 25.(iii)

The 13th New Jersey Volunteers would depart New Jersey on August 31, 1862 and would proceed to Washington City. The regiment was assigned to Camp Richardson, at Arlington Heights, Virginia, but their stay would be quite short. With the defeat of US Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia, at the Second Battle of Bull Run, the Army of Potomac would quickly be put in motion to protect Washington City from CSA General Robert E. Lee’s developing invasion of Maryland. Leaving Camp Richardson on September 2, the 13th New Jersey would arrive in the vicinity of Rockville, Maryland by September 9. Once in Maryland, Carman’s regiment was assigned to Brigadier General George H. Gordon’s third brigade, of Brigadier General Alpheus S. Williams’ First Division of Major General Joseph K.F. Mansfield’s XII Corps. While not engaged in the battles of South Mountain, the XII Corps would arrive near Sharpsburg, Maryland on September 16. Arrayed on the east bank of the creek, the Army of the Potomac could clearly see Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia lining the heights on the opposite side. This tactical arrangement set the stage for the sanguinary Battle of Antietam on September 17.

During the evening and overnight hours, the Army of the Potomac commander, George B. McClellan, prepared for his army to attack Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia by sending Major General Joseph Hooker’s I Corps across Antietam Creek via the Upper Bridge. His tactical plan was to use the I Corps to attack Lee’s left flank, commanded by CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson. Mansfield’s XII Corps and Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps would be situated nearby to offer support where necessary. While this attack was taking place, Major General Ambrose E. Burnside’s IX Corps, reinforced with Brigadier General Jacob D. Cox’s Kanawha Division, would attack the Confederate right flank positioned on the heights above Rorhbach Bridge. In theory, McClellan’s battle plan was designed to prevent Lee from sending reinforcements from one flank to the other of his much smaller army. The V and VI corps, commanded respectively by major generals Fitz John Porter and William B. Franklin, would be held in reserve. While sound, McClellan’s plan would require proper timing and coordination between his separated flanks. The rolling hills above Antietam Creek would make this difficult even in ideal conditions.

By the time the sun was rising on September 17, over their left shoulders, the soldiers in Hooker’s I Corps were assembling near the North Woods. They pushed off quickly to attack the left flank of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. Pushing through a corn field, the soldiers quickly got caught in a nasty duel. Facing them were a division of veterans commanded by Brigadier General John Bell Hood. Additionally, Stonewall Jackson’s leftwing was positioned near the Dunker Church and West Woods. Jackson’s old division, commanded by Brigadier General John R. Jones, added to the misery by enfilading the soldiers as they pushed south. The Federal soldiers were literally mowed down as they pushed towards the Rebels. By 9:45 a.m., Mansfield’s XII Corps were ordered from their position, near the East Woods, to support Hooker’s attack and Sumner’s II Corps which was hotly engaged near the Dunker Church. In his first battle as a line officer, Carman would lead his 13th New Jersey Volunteers due west, towards the corn field. His raw regiment would push past the corn field, many witnessing the carnage of battle for the first time, and across the Hagerstown Turnpike. Carman described the situation, “For the first time in their soldier experience the men loaded their muskets.” They would quickly come under a heavy musketry from Confederate troops across the pike which were sheltered by limestone outcroppings in the West Woods. “The men were being shot by a foe they could not see, so perfectly did the ledge protect them.”(iv) Making matters worse, Carman’s inexperienced regiment would soon be caught in a withering fire from their south, as CSA Colonel Matthew W. Ransom’s 49th North Carolina Infantry poured a blistering salvo of musketry into their left flank. Being more than they could handle, the men of the 13th New Jersey quickly retreated across the Hagerstown Turnpike and to the protection of the East Woods.(v) They were not alone as Hooker’s I Corps was out of the fight and Sumner’s II Corps had been pushed back towards the Mumma Farm from their advanced position near the Dunker Church. Additionally, the XII Corps had been decapitated earlier in the fight when Mansfield was mortally wounded while organizing his corps near in the East Woods. This left Brigadier General Alpheus S. Williams in command of the corps during the most critical stage of the fight for the West Woods. Needless to say, the Confederate hold on the northern part of the Antietam battlefield was secure. Over the next several hours the Battle of Antietam would continue to unfold in other sectors: the Sunken Road, Burnside (Rohrbach) Bridge and along Branch Avenue – all to the south. At the end of the day’s fight, the bloodiest single day in American history, the two opposing armies held roughly the same positions they started in. The battle would be considered a tactical victory for McClellan’s Army of the Potomac as Lee would end up retreating into Virginia. How did Carman and his 13th New Jersey Volunteers perform? Probably as well as could be expected for the largely untested soldiers who received concentrated fire from an unseen enemy and a blistering fire to their left flank. While they did retreat pell-mell to the East Woods, they were certainly not alone. Carman, while wounded at Antietam, would remain in command of his regiment.(vi)

Due to his wounding at the Battle of Antietam, Colonel Carman would not command his regiment during the Battle of Fredericksburg. He would however command his New Jersey troops at the Battle of Chancellorsville. On May 1, 1863, the 13th New Jersey Volunteers would be assigned to Brigadier General Thomas Ruger’s Third Brigade of Williams’ First Division of the XII Corps – now commanded by Major General Henry Slocum. During the opening of the battle, Carman’s regiment would be posted along the Orange Plank Road and would be engaged against CSA Major General Richard Anderson’s Division of Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s 1st Corps. They would suffer heavy losses. At the close of the day’s fight, Carman and the rest of the XII Corps would be positioned near Hazel Grove. Hooker would eventually consolidate his army, near the Chancellor Tavern. He would remain in a defensive position through the day on May 3 while repulsing several attacks from the Confederate 2d Corps, which was commanded by Major General J.E.B. Stuart, after the mortal wounding of Jackson. Later on May 3, in an effort to protect his retreat route across the Rappahannock River, Hooker would further consolidate his army posting the XII Corps on his far left flank along the river. After four days of fighting, in which the 13th New Jersey Volunteers suffered 141 casualties (vii), Hooker would retreat north of the Rappahannock bringing the Battle of Chancellorsville to disastrous close for the United States. Always in the thick of the fight, Carman would again be wounded.(viii)

After Chancellorsville, Carman would lead his regiment in pursuit of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, after the latter invaded the north, culminating in the Battle of Gettysburg. Slocum’s XII Corps would arrive during the evening hours of July 1 and would be positioned at the far right flank of the Army of the Potomac, on Culp’s Hill. On the second day of the battle Carman’s soldiers would witness significant action, while not being directly engaged. Most of the fighting would take place on opposite flanks as Brigadier General George S. Greene’s XII Corps’ brigade repulsed an attack by CSA Major General Edward Johnson’s 2d Corps’ Division to their right and Brigadier General Francis C. Barlow’s XI Corps’ division fended off attacks from CSA Major General Jubal A. Early’s 2d Corps’ division to their left. All the while, they would be forced to maintain a tense state of readiness awaiting an assault on their section of the line. There chance would arrive the next morning when Johnson’s Division again attacked Culp’s Hill during the mid-morning hours. This three brigade assault was directly against the Federal works on Culp’s Hill and would leave nearly 3,100 casualties strewn over the slopes of the hill. While not incurring the casualties which other areas of the XII Corps’ lines did, Carman’s 13th New Jersey Volunteers would suffer 21 losses of the nearly 350 officers and enlisted men which arrived at Gettysburg.(ix) The often referenced “high water mark” of the Confederacy would be achieved during the afternoon fight at Cemetery Ridge when Robert E. Lee sent three divisions of infantry to attack US Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps on Cemetery Ridge. The assault, commanded by CSA Major General George E. Pickett, was disastrous and would result in Lee’s retreat back to Virginia.

After Gettysburg, Carman would continue to command the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry. He would be sent to New York to quell the Draft Riots during mid-July 1863, commanding a brigade that included the 13th New Jersey, 107th New York and 150th New York. Carman would be sent west, with the rest of the XII Corps, in October 1863. His New Jersey regiment would be attached to the Second Brigade, First Division of the XX Corps and would see action during the Atlanta Campaign. He would receive high praise for commanding his regiment during several significant battles: Resaca, Cassville, Dallas, New Hope Church, and Kolb’s Farm – all during 1864.(x) At the conclusion of Sherman’s March to the Sea, when the XX Corps was in front of Savannah, Georgia, Carman would again command a brigade, this time on the left flank of the army. With CSA Major General Joseph Wheeler’s cavalry between him and Savannah, at Izard’s Mill, Carman decided not to press an attack. Unfortunately, the Confederate forces, commanded by Lieutenant General William J. Hardee, were able to escape from Savannah without being captured. While not being censured for failing to attack the Confederate flank, Carman was sent to Nashville, Tennessee on “special duty.” He would receive brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865 and was mustered out of Federal service on June 8, 1865 at Washington City.

After the Civil War, Carman would remain active in civil service, serving as a clerk of the United States Department of Agriculture from 1877 – 1885, historical expert at the Antietam National Battlefield and superintendent of the Chickamauga-Chattanooga National Military Park. By far, Carman’s most significant contribution to students of the American Civil War was his narrative of the Maryland Campaign. His study of the battles of South Mountain and Antietam, while at times mixed with commentary, provides the basis for nearly every study of these battles ever written. His knowledge of the Maryland battlefields, understanding of the troop placements and dozens of post-war interviews make his manuscripts essential for anyone studying the Maryland Campaign of 1862. Carman was twice married and had six children. He died on December 25, 1909 at Washington, D.C. from pneumonia and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.

Thomas G. Clemens recently released his first book based exclusively on Carman’s manuscripts, “The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I: South Mountain.” Clemens’ editing brings Carman to life and will inevitably place you amongst the 13th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry during the Maryland Campaign. I recently had the opportunity to discuss his book with him. Clemens’ knowledge of the Maryland Campaign is compelling and his stories about Colonel Carman are quite interesting. Click HERE to listen to my interview.

i. Ezra Ayers Carman’s biography at The New Jersey Historical Society #176
ii. See the 7th New Jersey Infantry regimental history at the Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System
iii. See the 13th New Jersey Infantry regimental history at the Civil War Soldiers and Sailors System
iv. Sears, Stephen W., Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam, published by Ticknor & Fields in 1983, Pg. 230.
v. Ibid, Pgs. 248-249.
vi. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 384.
vii. Sears, Stephen W., Chancellorsville, published by Houghton Mifflin in 1996, Pg. 489, Appendix II.
viii. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 384.
ix. Trudeau, Noah Andre, Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, published by HarperCollins in 2002, Pg. 578.
x. Toombs, Samuel, New Jersey Troops in the Gettysburg Campaign From June 5 to July 31, 1863, published by The Evening Mail Publishing House in 1888, Pg. 385.

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I published an article on Colonel Black last February. Since today is his 172d birthday, I thought I would publish this short article in my Soldier Profile series. Below, you will find a link to last year’s biography on Black, and a short narrative on the Battle of Prairie Grove. Let me know what you think of last year’s article.

John C. Black – Lieutenant Colonel 37th Illinois Infantry

Additionally, you may also enjoy pictures from the Prairie Grove Battlefield State Park. This battlefields is one of the best battlefields I’ve ever visited. It is well preserved and provides excellent interpretation. Click on the following link to view my photo essay on one of my visits to Prairie Grove.

Mike’s photo essay on the Prairie Grove Battlefield State Park

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Alonzo H. Cushing, US First Lieutenant

Birth Date: January 19, 1841
Birth Place: Delafield, Wisconsin

Major Battles: First Battle of Bull Run, Antietam, Peninsula Campaign, Seven Days, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg

Massachusetts would send nearly 160,000 soldiers and sailors to fight in the war. She would also send many general officers including Joseph Hooker, Edwin V. Sumner, Nathaniel P. Banks and Darius Couch. I started in Boston with a visit to Joe Hooker’s monument at the state house. The monument is massive and sits at one of the entrances to the capitol building.

Directly across the street from Hooker’s equestrian monument is the Robert Gould Shaw monument. As I’m sure you’re aware, Shaw originally served in the 7th New York Infantry where he marched to the defense of Washington City in April 1861. After its 30 day enlistment period ended, Shaw would be appointed second lieutenant in the 2d Massachusetts Infantry and see action at Winchester, Cedar Mountain and Antietam. After the bloody battle along Antietam Creek, Shaw would be approached by his father and offered command in a new all black regiment – the 54th Massachusetts. He would serve as major and colonel of this regiment, paying the ultimate price with his life, while leading his black troops to the parapet of Fort Wagner. He died on July 18, 1863.(i)

From Boston, I headed to Waltham and Brookline where I stopped and visited Nathaniel Prentiss Banks, Erastus Blakeslee and one of my favorites: Francis Channing Barlow.

Major General Banks, a political general that served as governor of Massachusetts and Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, had less than impressive results in the U.S. Army. He would be defeated by CSA Major General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson during the 1862 Shenandoah Valley Campaign and at Cedar Mountain. He would be transferred to command the Department of the Gulf, based in New Orleans. From there, he would command the Siege of Port Hudson and the failed Red River Campaign. Fortunately, for Banks, he now rests in peace at Grove Hill Cemetery in Waltham.

Brevet Brigadier General Erastus Blakeslee would enlist in the 1st Battalion Connecticut Cavalry on October 9, 1861. He would receive quick promotions to second lieutenant and captain of Company A – all in little more than five months. As Eric Wittenberg told his blog readers in August 2009, the 1st Connecticut was not a very well known unit. It would see action in Western Virginia before it was sent to Baltimore, Maryland during the winter of 1862-1863. While it did not take part in the Gettysburg Campaign, it would continue to see action around Harper’s Ferry, where it was stationed from July 1863 through January 1864. Blakeslee would be promoted major in July 1863 and would take command of the battalion. He would be promoted lieutenant colonel on May 21, 1864 and colonel less than a week later. His case was rather remarkable, with his rise from private to colonel in 2 1/2 years. He would be wounded during the Battle of Ashland on June 1, 1864, returning in time to fight in the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign. He would officially muster out of Federal service on October 26, 1864 when his term of service expired. He received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers for his exemplary service leading his troops at Ashland. His men held him in very high regard with one saying, “The General is the idol of his old regiment.”(ii)

Major General Francis C. Barlow’s story is amazing. Barlow enlisted as a private soldier in the 12th New York Militia in April 1861. He would be promoted to first lieutenant within one month. After serving his 90 day enlistment he quickly was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 61st New York in November 1861. He would be promoted full colonel of the regiment during the Peninsula Campaign. He would command a brigade in the First Division of Major General Edwin V. Sumner’s II Corps during the Battle of Antietam. He would receive praise from division commander, Brigadier General John Caldwell, for his actions along the Sunken “Bloody Lane” – where he was injured. He would be promoted to brigadier general of volunteers on September 19, two days after the battle. He would continue in division command during the remainder of the war seeing action at Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, Cold Harbor and Petersburg. He would take sick leave in 1865, but would return to the Army of the Potomac in time to take part in the Appomattox Campaign. He received promotion to major general of volunteers on May 25, 1865. Barlow is indeed a unique soldier being promoted from private to major general during the course of the war – without a military education.(iii)

My next stop was the Worcester Rural Cemetery and North Cemetery in Oxford. While in Worcester, I stopped for a visit with colonels Samuel H. Leonard, George H. Ward and William S. Lincoln. At Oxford I paid my respects to Clara Barton. Leonard commanded the 13th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry and would see action at the battles of Fredericksburg and Gettysburg. Ward commanded the 15th Massachusetts and would be killed at the Battle of Gettysburg. He received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers posthumously. Lincoln was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 34th Massachusetts and would be wounded and captured during the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign. Upon his exchange he would be promoted colonel and would command the regiment through the end of the war. He would receive brevet promotion to brigadier general. Clara Barton is well known as the “Angel of the Battlefield.” She became somewhat of a celebrity during the Battle of Antietam where she cared for wounded soldiers. She followed the eastern armies from the start of the war, at First Bull Run, through the Petersburg Campaign. After the war she would go to Andersonville Prison to help identify the dead Union soldiers. She would later found the American Red Cross.

My next stop was in Brookfield where I visited the Brookfield Cemetery. There is a nice G.A.R. monument there along with the grave of Major Albert R. Howe. Howe served in the 47th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry regiment. After the war he would move to Mississippi where he would be elected to the U.S. House of Representatives as a “carpetbagger.”

My last stop was the Springfield Cemetery in Springfield, Massachusetts. This historic cemetery is located in the heart of downtown Springfield and is accessed through a small entrance on one of the main streets. The entrance is about a block long and opens into a beautiful well kept cemetery. As I drove in, I must have looked lost, because the manager James Mooney, took me under his wing and guided me to several significant Civil War era graves. These included generals James Barnes and James Ripley. Additionally I got to pay a visit to one of my favorite colonels, Everett Peabody.

Brigadier General James Barnes originally was appointed colonel of the 18th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry regiment. The regiment was sent to Virginia in time to join Major General George B. McClellan during the Peninsula Campaign but would not see action until the Battle of Fredericksburg – where Barnes led a brigade in a hopeless assault against Marye’s Heights. He would receive promotion to brigadier general before the Battle of Chancellorsville where his brigade was not heavily engaged. At Gettysburg, he would be in command of a division in the V Corps. Arriving in time to take part in the second day’s battle, he would lose one brigade (Strong Vincent’s including Joshua Chamberlain’s 20th Massachusetts) to fight at Little Round Top. He would lead his remaining brigades to the Wheatfield where he would receive criticism for pulling them back and not supporting the brigades on his flank during the action there. Barnes would be wounded and would not see action again in the war, commanding garrisons in Maryland and Virginia.(iv)

Brigadier General James W. Ripley is best known for being the superintendent of the Springfield Armory. With the outbreak of the Civil War, Ripley was quickly commissioned brigadier general and placed in charge of armaments and forts on the New England coast. He would receive brevet promotion to major general in 1865.

Colonel Everett Peabody is one of my favorite regimental commanders. A native of Massachusetts, Peabody was trained in civil engineering at Harvard. He would move to Missouri to take a job with a railroad. With the outbreak of hostilities, he would be appointed major of the 13th Missouri Infantry (US). He would be promoted full colonel of the regiment in September 1861. During the Battle of Lexington, Missouri, Peabody would be captured with his entire regiment. After being exchanged, he would recruit a new regiment – the 25th Missouri Infantry (by then another regiment had been designated the 13th). He would be ordered to Pittsburg Landing and would take charge of a brigade in Brigadier General Benjamin Prentiss‘ Sixth Division. On the morning of April 6, 1862, Peabody would take the initiative to send portions of his command to scout what his commanders considered cavalry skirmishing. The recognizance was not approved by his superiors but would be credited with providing the Federal army enough time to prepare for the brutal assault that would mark the start of the Battle of Shiloh. Peabody would organize a defensive line and would be shot three times, while leading his brigade, before a fourth minie ball smashed into his face killing him instantly. For more information on Peabody, and his actions at Shiloh, see my recent blog article, “Colonel Everett Peabody – Unsung Hero of Shiloh.”

To view my complete photo essay on this trip, click HERE.

(i) Robert Gould Shaw at Wikipedia was used to research this article.
(ii) See Eric Wittenberg’s blog article on Erastus Blakeslee for more information.
(iii) Francis Barlow at Wikipedia was used to research this article.
(iv) James Barnes at Wikipedia was used to research this article.

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Sullivan Ballou was born in Smithfield, Rhode Island on March 28, 1829 to Hiram and Emeline Ballou.  A graduate of Brown University he would study law at the National Law School and was admitted to the Rhode Island bar.  He would be elected to the Rhode Island House of Representatives.

With the outbreak of the Civil War, Ballou would be appointed major of the 2d Rhode Island Infantry.  Mustering into Federal service in June 1861, Ballou and the 2d Rhode Island would depart Providence on June 19 and head for Camp Sprague, Washington City.  On July 16 Ballou would leave Washington to engage the enemy in Northern Virginia.  Prior to leaving Camp Sprague, he would write the following letter to his wife.

July the 14th, 1861
Camp Clark, Washington

My very dear Sarah:
The indications are very strong that we shall move in a few days – perhaps tomorrow.  Lest I should not be able to write again, I feel impelled to write a few lines that may fall under your eye when I shall be no more….

I have no misgivings about, or lack of confidence in the cause in which I am engaged, and my courage does not halt or falter.  I know how strongly American Civilization now leans on the triumph of the Government and how great a debt we owe to those who went before us through the blood and suffering of the Revolution.  And I am willing – perfectly willing – to lay down all my joys in this life, to help maintain this Government, and to pay that debt….

Sarah my love for you is deathless, it seems to bind me with mighty cables that nothing but Omnipotence could break; and yet my love of Country comes over me like a strong wind and bears me unresistibly on with all these chains to the battle field.

The memories of the blissful moments I have spent with you come creeping over me, and I feel most gratified to God and to you that I have enjoyed them for so long.  And hard it is for me to give them up and burn to ashes the hopes of future years, when, God willing, we might still have lived and loved together, and seen our sons grown up to honorable manhood, around us.  I have, I know, but few and small claims upon Divine Providence, but something whispers to me – perhaps in the wafted prayer of my little Edgar, that I shall return to my loved ones unharmed.  If I do not my dear Sarah, never forget how much I love you, and when my last breath escapes me on the battle field, it will whisper your name.  Forgive my many faults and the many pains I have caused you.  How thoughtless and foolish I have often times been!  How gladly would I wash out with my tears every little spot upon your happiness….

But, O Sarah!  If the dead can come back to this earth and fit unseen around those they loved, I shall always be near you; in the gladdest days and in the darkest nights…. always, always, and if there be a soft breeze upon your cheek, it shall be my breath, as the cool air fans your throbbing temple, it shall be my spirit passing by.  Sarah do not mourn me dead; think I am gone and wait for thee, for we shall meet again….

As for my little boys, they will grow as I have done, and never know their father’s love and care.  Little Willie is too young to remember me long, and my blue-eyed Edgar will keep my frolics with him among the dimmest memories of his childhood.  Sarah, I have unlimited confidence in your maternal care and your development of their characters.  Tell my two mothers, his and hers, I call God’s blessing on them.  O Sarah, I wait for you there!  Come to me, and lead thither my children.

Sullivan(i)

Less than one week after writing Sarah, Ballou would be killed at the First Battle of Manassas.  The letter had not been mailed.  It was found in his trunk after his death.  It would be delivered to Sarah by Rhode Island Governor William Sprague.

(i) The Civil War, at PBS.org was used to research this article.

On May 5, 1864, during the opening phases of the Battle of the Wilderness, Woodbury would see action at Craig’s Meeting House where he was sent forward, on foot, as a skirmisher.  Woodbury would describe the action, “I had taken a position behind a rail fence when one of Co. came up on my right and I moved about a foot and a half to the left, he taking my place.  In a half a minute a ball hit him in the temple – and without a groan he was ‘mustered out.’  His warm blood formed a little pool in which my knees were steeped.”(ii)  Woodbury would survive the skirmish at Craig’s Meeting House unscathed. 

During the Overland Campaign, Woodbury, and the 1st Vermont Cavalry, would participate in several significant engagements: Yellow Tavern, Meadow Bridge, and Hawe’s Shop.  After the Army of the Potomac crossed the James River, the 1st Vermont would participate in many raids south of Petersburg, most notably the Wilson-Kautz Raid.  This raid’s objective was to tear up track on three railroads: Richmond and Danville, Weldon and Southside.  Additionally, two important bridges were to be destroyed: High Bridge on the Southside and Roanoke on the Richmond and Danville.  After tearing up 60 miles of track the troopers reached High Bridge on June 25.  This bridge was heavily guarded and significant action took place in trying to push the Rebels from the bridge.  The 1st Vermont, while not directly involved in the fighting at High Bridge, were assigned rear guard duty – a very important assignment with Fitzhugh Lee’s Confederate Cavalry prowling in their rear.  During the evening, Wilson and Kautz determined that it was impracticable to remain in the area and made plans to reunite with the Army of the Potomac at Petersburg.  Their route would take them in a roughly northeasterly direction, swinging in somewhat of an arc.  For two and a half days, their return march proved uneventful.  This would change as the approached Stoney Creek.  There at Sappony Church was CSA Major General Wade Hampton’s cavalry division, many dismounted, blocking their route to the Federal lines at Petersburg.  Over the next couple of hours the 1st Vermont would work to throw up modest works.  Woodbury was assigned a front position from which he would kneel, directing his fire at the Confederate position.  While not well liked by most troopers, this position did offer them some protection from the Confederate musketry.  As Woodbury describes, “…many a time during that night the balls struck in this frail defense or in the dirt so near it as to sprinkle us with sand.”(iii)  The fight at Stoney Creek would continue throughout the night.  With first light, Wilson quickly determined to pursue a different route.  Pulling Kautz’s command out of line, he ordered them north towards Ream’s Station.  By mid-morning Wilson ordered the rest of his troopers to pull out of line and head for Ream’s Station.  The 1st Vermont, 3d Indiana and 8th New York were given the unenviable job of fighting a delaying action against a much larger Confederate force.  This would require the troopers to march a distance, dismount and fight the enemy, re-mount when the pressure became too severe, ride a distance and repeat the whole process – all the while under enemy fire.  Eventually, during this delaying action, over 60 Vermonters would be captured, many of which would end up at the dreaded Andersonville Prison.  Finding portions of Fitzhugh Lee and Hampton’s cavalry, along with a division of Confederate infantry, at Ream’s Station, Kautz and Wilson changed plans and would make their escape to the west – a direction the Confederates would not expect – before turning around and heading further south and then pushing east to the Weldon where their route would be open.  While Wilson was setting his plans in motion, Kautz was able to make his escape, with portions of Wilson’s command, and would arrive at the Federal camps on June 29.  Wilson’s much longer route would prevent him from arriving at Petersburg until July 2.  The cost of the Wilson-Kautz Raid was high with the Federal cavalry suffering over 900 casualties.  It was another sad chapter in the close knit 1st Vermont which would suffer 90 casualties.  Having left with 370+ men, the Green Mountain Boys would suffer a casualty rate nearly 25%, quite high for a mounted arm.(iv)

Over the next three weeks the 1st Vermont would receive some much needed rest.  They would camp on some high ground near the James River, enjoying much needed provisions.  In August, with CSA Lieutenant General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Army of Northern Virginia (the 2d Corps would be designated the Army of the Valley) on the prowl in the Shenandoah Valley and Maryland, things began to change quickly in Army of the Potomac’s camps.  With the Lincoln administration fearing a raid on Washington City, Grant detached portions of his army (two divisions of cavalry, VI Army Corps and XIX Army Corps) to Harper’s Ferry.  Once there they would combine with the VIII Corps and form the Middle Department with US Major General Philip Sheridan in command of the combined forces.  Sheridan wasted no time and pushed his army into the Shenandoah Valley to confront Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley.  Finding Early’s forces spread out, near Winchester, Sheridan would attack them on September 19.  At what would be known as the Battle of Third Winchester (or Battle of Opequon), Sheridan would roughly handle Early sending him retreating up the valley.  The 1st Vermont Cavalry had little involvement in this battle. 

Next Sheridan’s army would find Early’s army holding high ground at Fisher’s Hill.  Executing a wonderfully designed plan, Sheridan was able to rout Early from the hill on September 21–22.  While the fight was going on at Fisher’s Hill, US Brigadier General Alfred Torbert was in command of a cavalry detachment sent towards Front Royal to block the Valley Turnpike sealing Early’s escape route from Fisher’s Hill.  The third cavalry division failed to block the road.  On October 7, Torbert’s rear guard was attacked by CSA Brigadier General Thomas Rosser’s Confederate cavalry division.  The 1st Vermont was in the rear guard and young Eri Woodbury described the unfolding events, “Today while pursuing our devastating course (the “Burning” of the Valley) we were attacked by Gen. Rosser’s Div. of Cavalry. I was sent out on a skirmish line with a squad of men.  While there they flanked us upon the left, & our troops were forced into a confused retreat.  I was at one time very near being captured.”  Sheridan was furious that Torbert had failed.  Besides the battlefield losses, Rosser’s troopers were able to capture seven important portable forges.  On October 8, Sheridan met with Torbert and made his thoughts quite clear: “That night I told Torbert I expected him either to give Rosser a drubbing next morning or get whipped himself, and the infantry would be halted until the affair was over.  I also told him that I proposed to ride out to Round Top Mountain to see the fight.”(v)

On the next morning, October 9, Torbert was able to resuscitate his career.  In what would be called the Battle of Tom’s Brook (also known as the Woodstock Races) Torbert’s numerically superior cavalry, containing two divisions, was able to easily flank Rosser’s position.  As historian Joseph D. Collea, Jr. described in his book, “The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War,” the Battle of Tom’s Brook “was a cavalry fight from start to finish.”  The First Vermont was positioned on the right flank and would not see action until later in the battle.  With Brigadier General George Custer leading the right wing, which included the 1st Vermont, the cavaliers charged forward in textbook style, building momentum gradually, rolling forward “in a walk to the skirmish line, then a trot, then a gallop, then a wild rush of shouting troopers and frantic horses.”(vi)  Custer’s troopers quickly pushed CSA Colonel Thomas Munford’s cavalry from Spiker’s Hill while the left wing drove the remainder of Rosser’s cavalry from their position.  Woodbury, then a sergeant, described the action, “We charged them, drove them and then drove them about seven miles.”(vii)  It was at this point that the “races” began with Custer’s wing driving the Confederate cavalry towards Columbia Furnace while the left wing drove them towards New Market.  The 1st Vermont would regroup, near Strasburg, after driving the enemy nearly twenty-six miles.

After the defeat of Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley at Fisher’s Hill, and the cavalry battle at Tom’s Brook, Federal army commanders felt that Early’s army was pretty well played out.  By the morning of October 19, Sheridan’s entire Middle Department was bivouacked north of Cedar Creek, near Middletown.  It was during the overnight hours, of October 19, that Early set in motion one of his most daring plans.  Sending CSA Major General John B. Gordon’s Division on a wide right flanking march, Gordon was able to slam into US Brigadier General George Crook’s VIII Corps at first light.  Quickly followed by the rest of Early’s army, Crook’s soldiers were pushed from their camps while their coffee was brewing.  The VIII Corps were quickly routed and pushed through US Brigadier General William Emory’s XIX Corps camps with the result being the same.  The Federal lines did not begin to stabilize until the last remaining Federal army corps, US Brigadier General James B. Rickett’s VI Corps, was pushed north, beyond Middletown.  Unfortunately, for the Federal fortunes, Phil Sheridan was at Winchester.  While he was away, US Major General Horatio Wright was left in charge of the army.  While Wright was an able commander, he was surprised by the early morning attack and was unprepared to defend his position.  Sheridan, hearing sounds of battle, mounted his powerful horse, Rienzi, and dashed back to his army.  Covering the seventeen miles very quickly, Sheridan would find his army in disarray north of Middletown.

Quickly bringing order, out of the chaos, Sheridan deployed his army to counterattack.  Riding in front of his lines he motivated his troops and the soldiers quickly realized they would be back in their camps that night.  Early, realizing Sheridan had no plan to retreat, determined to set up a defensive line north of Cedar Creek.  With the VI Corps marching towards the Confederate line, Sheridan ordered Custer to attack the Rebel left flank.  Placing the 1st Vermont and 5th New York into line, he quickly began to push across the open fields of grass.  Eri Woodbury would once again see action and would provide his country with his most valuable service at Cedar Creek.  Confederate General John B. Gordon described the events unfolding around him, “There came from the north side of the plain a dull, heavy swelling sound like the roaring of a distant cyclone, the omen of additional disaster.  It was unmistakable.  Sheridan’s horsemen were riding furiously across the open fields of grass to intercept the Confederates before they crossed Cedar Creek.”(viii)  The sudden charge of infantry and cavalry proved more than the Early’s shell shocked soldiers could handle.  As Collea described in his book, “Before the Vermonters a cavalryman’s dream lay waiting – a foe, already psychologically defeated, was in every-man-for-himself flight.”  This was not lost on the Vermont troopers, including Woodbury.  Charging past the most forward Federal infantry position the 1st Vermont was pushing the Rebels hard.  During the enemy’s flight, Woodbury, conspicuously mounted on his horse, and alone, came upon four armed Confederate infantrymen.  With one of the Rebels hiding a flag behind his back, Woodbury, with only a saber, demanded their surrender.  The tar-heels immediately complied becoming prisoners and turning over their weapons and flag.  Woodbury, himself, describes it best, stating that he noticed “a little hill on the left of the road at the entrance to Fisher’s Hill was covered with fugitive infantry.  I charged in alone, cut off four, and captured a battle flag belonging to the 12th NC Regt.’s infantry.”(ix)  The victory was complete.  Jubal Early’s Army of the Valley, already weakened, was forced to retreat deeper into the Shenandoah Valley.

The 1st Vermont Cavalry, would establish their winter camps near Winchester.  On February 27, Sheridan’s army pushed south.  Leading the van of the army was Colonel William Wells’ cavalry brigade – including the proud 1st Vermont.  Wells had entered the service as captain of Company C, 1st Vermont.  He was a favorite amongst the men from Vermont and had advanced slowly to brigade command.  Sheridan’s objectives, during the late winter of 1865, were left somewhat to his discretion.  Besides destroying the Virginia Central Railroad he was interested in the James River Canal and Lynchburg.(x)  Upon reaching Staunton, Sheridan sent Custer’s division east towards Waynesboro, on March 2.  Brigadier General Thomas Devin’s cavalry division followed Custer.  Waynesboro was situated on the Virginia Central Railroad making it strategically important to Sheridan.  Upon approaching the village, Custer found Early’s troops situated behind earthworks just west of town.  Reconnoitering the area, it was determined that Early’s left flank was vulnerable to attack.  Sensing an attack on this sector could crumble Early’s position, Custer turned again to the 1st Vermont.  After forming their lines the brave Green Mountain boys charged the Rebel line, which quickly folded.  With additional units attacking the center, Early was once again forced to retreat.  While a small engagement, in term of forces engaged, the Confederates suffered over 1,500 casualties – most of them captured.  Early and his staff, however, were able to elude capture.  With the Shenandoah Valley completely cleared of resistance, Sheridan exited the valley and pushed south, destroying the James River Canal locks near Goochland Court House.  On March 27 Sheridan reunited with the Army of the Potomac at Hancock’s Station near Petersburg. 

The beginning of the end was at hand.  Grant, now reunited with Sheridan, intended to use his forces immediately.  On April 1, Sheridan commanding a force that included Devin and Custer’s cavalry divisions and US Major General Gouverneur K. Warren’s V Corps, attacked CSA Major General George Pickett’s division at Five Forks.  While Woodbury, and the 1st Vermont, were held in reserve on the Federal left flank, the V Corps rolled up Pickett’s left flank forcing another Confederate retreat.  The loss of Five Forks made Robert E. Lee’s position at Petersburg untenable.  On the evening of April 2, Lee evacuated the trenches at Richmond and Petersburg and headed west.  Sheridan again played a major role, in the retreat to Appomattox, preventing Lee from pushing south towards a junction with CSA General Joseph E. Johnston’s Army of Tennessee in North Carolina.  On April 8, learning that supply trains were arriving at Appomattox Station, Custer’s cavalry division was able to defeat the Confederate reserve artillery, commanded by CSA Colonel Lindsay Walker, that was guarding the station.  The 1st Vermont Cavalry played a significant role in the action there, holding the right flank of the attacking Federal line.  While no Confederate casualty figures were given, nearly 1,000 soldiers were captured including Brigadier General Young Moody.  Additionally 25–30 guns were captured along with a huge amount of supplies in the railroad cars.  After surviving nearly 18 months unscathed, recently promoted First Lieutenant Eri Woodbury would be wounded in the woods north of the station.  Woodbury described his wounding, “Suddenly (I) felt a blow (and a) numbing sensation across my breast and found myself turning a double somersault off into the bushes.”  Getting up from the ground, Woodbury checked himself out and found his “fingers were completely knocked out and hanging over the backside (of my) hand by a little shred of skin.”(xi)  This chance encounter with a piece of shrapnel would result in Woodbury having his right hand amputated.

On April 9, with the two sides facing off near Appomattox Court House, the Vermont cavalry was focused on a Rebel wagon train.  With the Confederate position untenable, Custer would receive a courier from Lieutenant General James Longstreet requesting a cease fire so Grant could receive Robert E. Lee’s surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia.  It is fitting that Custer, and his 1st Vermont Cavalry, would play an instrumental role in the closing of the Civil War.  While Sheridan’s cavalry would not be at Appomattox Court House for the official surrender ceremonies, they would take part in the Grand Review of the Federal armies in Washington on May 23.  The 1st Vermont would finish its term of service at Champlain, New York, where they were on frontier duty.  They would officially muster out of service on August 9, 1865.  Due to his wounding, Lieutenant Woodbury would muster out on June 21.

After the war Woodbury would marry Emma M. McChesney.  He would become a professor at the Episcopal Academy (present day Cheshire Academy) in Cheshire, Connecticut.  He would become headmaster of the academy in 1892 and remain in that position until 1896 when he was made Principal Emeritus.(xii)  Woodbury would be presented the Medal of Honor for his actions at the Battle of Cedar Creek.  The citation, dated October 26, 1864, reads:

During the regiment’s charge when the enemy was in retreat Sgt. Woodbury encountered 4 Confederate infantrymen retreating.  He drew his saber and ordered them to surrender, overcoming by his determined actions their willingness to further resist.  They surrendered to him together with their rifles and the 12th North Carolina (C.S.A.) regimental flag.(xiii)

Lieutenant Eri Woodbury died on April 14, 1928 and is buried at Saint Peters Church Cemetery in Cheshire, Connecticut.  He is a true American HERO.

(i) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 208.
(ii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 226.
(iii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 245.
(iv) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 247–248.
(v) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 258.
(vi) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 259.
(vii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 260.
(viii) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 264–265.
(ix) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pgs. 266–267.
(x) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 276.
(xi) Collea, Jr., Joseph D., The First Vermont Cavalry in the Civil War, published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2010, Pg. 283.
(xii) See Eri D. Woodbury at Cheshire Academy’s website.
(xiii) For further information see Civil War Medal of Honor Recipients: A Complete Illustrated Record, by Broadwater, Robert P., published by McFarland & Company, Inc. in 2007, Pg. 223.

I recently finished reading Professor William L. Shea’s newest book, “Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign.”  This is an excellent book on the little known Battle of Prairie Grove, Arkansas.  I am hoping to have a text based interview with Dr. Shea published in the near future.  While reading the book I came upon the heroic story of CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants.  I was so intrigued by Pleasants that I decided to write an article on the Confederate hero.  It can be read by clicking HERE.  As a companion to that article, I decided to write the following narrative on another American hero, Lieutenant Colonel John C. Black, who commanded the 37th Illinois Infantry, of the Federal Army of the Frontier, at Prairie Grove.  Black would fight in the opposing lines against Colonel Pleasants’ Arkansas infantry.  Both of their stories are fascinating and deserve to be told.

Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black

John Charles Black was born on January 27, 1839 in Lexington, Mississippi.  The family would move to Danville, Illinois in 1847.  His father, John, was a Presbyterian minister and would marry Josephine Culbertson.  She would bear him four children, with John Charles being the oldest.  His father, having died in 1847, would leave Josephine to raise the four children.  She would marry William Fithiane and continue to reside in Danville.(i)

With the outbreak of the Civil War, John and his younger brother William, would enlist in the 11th Indiana Infantry, commanded by future major general, and author, Lew Wallace.  Enlisting as a private, he would reach the rank of sergeant-major during his 90 day term of enlistment.  During his tenure with the 11th Indiana, Black would fight at Romney, West Virginia, earning accolades for his bravery.  After being mustered out of the 11th, Black would return to Danville where he would help recruit Company K, 37th Illinois Infantry.  He would be elected captain of the company, with William being elected first lieutenant.(ii)  With the formal organization of the 37th, John would be appointed major, with William being promoted to captain of the company.  Known as the Fremont Rifles, the 37th Illinois would be commanded by Colonel Julius White.  Officially mustering into service on September 18, 1861, at Chicago, Illinois, it would depart for St. Louis, Missouri the next day.  After arriving in St. Louis they would be reviewed by US Major General John C. Fremont, during which his wife, Jessie Benton Fremont, tied red, white and blue ribbons to the staff of their regimental colors.

From St. Louis the 37th Illinois would be sent to Boonville, Missouri in early October.  On October 13, the regiment, less two companies left at Boonville, would march with Fremont to Springfield, Missouri, where CSA Major General Sterling Price’s Missouri Home Guard was garrisoned.  By the time they arrived, the Confederates had retreated into northwest Arkansas.  The regiment would be reunited in southwest Missouri, in February 1862, where it became part of the newly christened Army of the Southwest, commanded by US Brigadier General Samuel R. Curtis.

Curtis would waste little time, quickly pursuing the retreating Confederate army on the Wire Road.  Pushing through Cassville, Missouri, Curtis’ Federal forces would march into northwest Arkansas where they would be camped on Sugar Creek in early March 1863.  On March 7, CSA Major General Earl Van Dorn would launch a surprise attack against the Federal army at Pea Ridge, Arkansas.  During the first day’s fight, the 37th Illinois would be brigaded with the 59th Illinois and the Peoria Battery.  Commanded by Colonel White, the brigade would repulse a much larger Confederate force at Oberson’s Field, during the opening engagement of the battle.  Fighting in a woodlot, north of Leetown, Major Black’s 37th Illinois would perform bravely in the seesaw fight.  They would sleep on their arms that night.  The battle would resume the next day when Curtis would rout the larger Confederate force, that had little ammunition.  During the hard fought battle, the 37th Illinois would suffer 135 casualties, 21 being killed in action.  Colonel White would be promoted to brigadier general after the battle, and would be sent east.  Lieutenant Colonel Myron Barnes would be promoted to colonel with Black being promoted lieutenant colonel.

During the summer of 1862 the 37th was assigned guard duty in southwest Missouri.  Frequently fighting bands of guerillas, the regiment would endure significant marching during that hot summer.  Black would lead an independent command against a Rebel force at Neosho, Missouri successfully driving them into present day Oklahoma.  Over two days, Black would march his regiment over 100 miles, engage in a significant skirmish and capture over 300 prisoners.  Inevitably, this independent performance would garner much attention.

By late September the 37th Illinois was pulling out of their camps, near Springfield, Missouri.  With US Brigadier General John M. Schofield now in command of the Army of the Frontier, it contained two Missouri Divisions commanded by brigadier generals James Totten and Francis Herron.  Moving east to connect with Schofield was a mixed division of soldiers called the Kansas Division.  This division was commanded by Brigadier General James G. Blunt.  On September 30, some of Blunt’s forces were surprised by a Confederate cavalry attack at Newtonia, Missouri.  With the Confederates holding the village, Schofield and Blunt quickly sent reinforcements to the vicinity, launching a large artillery attack on the Confederate position on October 4. Offering scant resistance, the Rebel calvary quickly vacated the area.  One Texas cavalier aptly described the rout, “The men were panic stricken and nothing could be done with them, in fact I think the officers were in the forefront.”(iii)  The 37th Illinois, and the rest of the Missouri divisions, continued pushing after the fleeing Confederate cavalry.  Without a fight the Confederacy had given up their only lodgement in southwest Missouri.

Over the coming four weeks Brigadier General Francis Herron, now commanding the two Federal Missouri Divisions with Schofield on sick leave in St. Louis, marched his men across southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas.  These foot sore soldiers had quite a journey: Cassville, Missouri, Pea Ridge Arkansas, Huntsville, Arkansas, Bentonville, Arkansas, Cross Hollows, Arkansas (near Pea Ridge), Osage Springs, Arkansas, Fayetteville, Arkansas and finally, on December 1, they arrived at Camp Lyon, near Springfield, Missouri.  Unfortunately, their stay would be quite short.  During the same period of time James Blunt had pushed his Kansas Division to the very entrance of the Boston Mountains, in northwest Arkansas.  After forcing the Confederate cavalry from the area of Cane Hill, Arkansas, Blunt bivouacked his men there.  This drastically changed the strategic situation for Confederate theater commander Major General Thomas Hindman.  With Blunt’s forces gathered at Cane Hill, they could easily flank his position, south of the Boston Mountains, by using any of five major roads in the area.  Hindman determined that the best action was offensive and would set his Trans-Mississippi Army in motion.  With Blunt in overall command of the three Federal divisions, he ordered Herron to bring the two Missouri Divisions to his aid with celerity.  They moved out of December 3, 1862.

Meanwhile, changes had occurred within the 37th Illinois.  Colonel Myron Barnes had retired.  Taking his place in command of the regiment was Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black.  Black’s intrepid foot soldiers had earned the moniker “The Illinois Greyhounds” for their quick mobility.  They would get to prove it again during their forced march to Blunt’s relief.  As Shea describes in his book, “Fields of Blood,” Herron’s Missouri Divisions would be marching within six hours of receiving Blunt’s dispatch – “What followed was an epic of human endurance.”(iv)  Herron’s soldiers would endure a march of nearly 120 miles to reach Blunt.

On December 5 Hindman had his army on the move early.  They had been camped at Lee Creek, in the Boston Mountains.  Hindman believed that Blunt would expect the main assault to be on his position at Cane Hill.  Pushing north on Cove Creek Road, Hindman changed his mind.  Upon reaching the junction of Cove Creek and Van Buren roads, he decided to push the majority of his army north while sending only a small detachment northwest on the Van Buren Road, from Morrow’s.  His plan was to place the majority of his Trans-Mississippi Army between Blunt and Herron, and defeat the two wings separately.  To make his feint against Blunt he sent Lieutenant Colonel James C. Monroe’s Arkansas Cavalry and Brigadier General Mosby Parsons’ Missouri infantry brigade towards Reed’s Mountain.  Parsons was to remain in reserve as Monroe’s troopers pushed across Reed’s Mountain.  Facing them was US Lieutenant Colonel Owen Bassett’s 2d Kansas Cavalry.  Holding the high ground, the Kansans were able to repel the first Rebel attack, at which point Parsons’ infantrymen joined the fray.  With his cavalry in a rough position, Blunt ordered US Colonel Thomas Ewing, Jr.’s 11th Kansas Infantry to their support.  These troops were able to hold Reed’s Mountain and the two opposing forces held their positions throughout the day until Parsons pulled his infantry back to Cove Creek Road to rejoin the army.

Meanwhile, the rest of Hindman’s forces continued their march north on Cove Creek Road.  Hindman planned on pushing to the Fayetteville Road where his army would approach Prairie Grove on two parallel roads.  Once at Prairie Grove, he intended on pushing north, to the Illinois River, to attack Herron’s strung out Missouri Divisions.  Unfortunately, all did not go according to plan.  Upon reaching Prairie Grove, CSA Brigadier General Francis Shoup’s Division formed a defensive line on the north facing slopes of the hill that Prairie Grove occupied.  Instead of pushing north towards the Illinois River, in an offensive move to hammer Herron, he instead settled into a defensive position.  The stage was rapidly being set for a major confrontation.

After Herron’s two Missouri Divisions crossed the Illinois River, they entered Crawford’s Prairie.  Here they established a heavy artillery presence while the infantry began to assemble.  This made any Confederate offensive operations a very difficult proposition.  While Hindman’s forces commanded Crawford’s Prairie from the heights of Prairie Grove, the superiority of the Federal artillery would make an assault on their position very difficult.  Additionally, Hindman had received no significant information on any movement Blunt was making with his Kansas Division.  Instead of being the pursuer, Hindman suddenly found himself the pursued – two Federal divisions in his front and one lurking somewhere in his rear. 

While Herron’s two divisions were preparing in Crawford’s Prairie, there was a noticeable lack of preparation taken place on the slopes of Prairie Grove.  Perhaps it was due to a feeling of superiority that the heights provided or perhaps it was complacency amongst the Confederate high command.  Regardless, as 1:30 p.m. approached, General Shoup ordered Captain William D. Blocher to “stir things up.”  Blocher quickly ordered a howitzer fired which caused no damage to the enemy.  Captain David Murphy’s Battery F, 1st Missouri Light Artillery, responded to the single howitzer shot with a heavy barrage from his six guns.  These guns found there mark as described by a Confederate officer, “The enemy greatly outnumbered us and outranked us in the character of cannon, having the most improved rifle guns, and handled them with remarkable skill.”(v)

With the artillery duel continuing, Herron pushed his first wave of infantry towards the Rebel position along the hill.  This consisted of Major Henry Starr’s 20th Wisconsin, Lieutenant Colonel John McNulta’s 94th Illinois and Lieutenant Colonel Samuel McFarland’s 19th Iowa.  As these three regiments pushed through the cornfields, in front of the ridge, John Black’s 37th Illinois tensely waited on Crawford’s Hill supporting the Federal artillery posted there.  Posted to his left were Colonel John Clark’s 26th Indiana and Lieutenant Colonel Joseph B. Leake’s 20th Iowa.  As they watched, from across the open prairie, the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin pushed towards the Rebel line held by CSA Brigadier General James F. Fagan’s Arkansas Brigade.  McNulta’s 94th Illinois inexplicably broke off from the rest of the Third Division’s infantry, pushing further east towards the Rebel’s right flank, held by CSA Colonel Joseph Shelby’s Missouri Cavalry Brigade.  This would cause two things to happen.  First Shoup would pull Colonel Emmett MacDonald’s Cavalry Brigade from the bench in front of the ridge, sending it to reinforce Shelby’s dismounted troopers.  Secondly, he directed CSA Colonel Dandridge McRae to send three of his brigade’s five Arkansas regiments to reinforce the left flank of Fagan’s brigade.  These regiments would extend the Confederate left flank past the Fayetteville Road.  With Black’s Illinoisans watching from Crawford’s Prairie, the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin slammed into Fagan’s Brigade.  After a severe fight, some of which was hand-to-hand, the two regiments would be forced back to their jump off point in the prairie.  An Iowan from the 19th regiment described the situation as the Rebels “raised up on three sides of us and poured an incessant fire into our ranks.  They were on one side of the fence and we were on the other.”(vi)  This fight at the Borden Orchard decimated the ranks of both the Federal regiments.  The fate of McNulta’s 94th Illinois was much different.  Described as remaining in the background, they suffered 34 casualties, only one of which was killed.  As described by William L. Shea, each of the companies of the 19th Iowa and 20th Wisconsin, that scaled the hill, suffered more casualties than the entire 94th Illinois suffered.

With the remnants of the Federal regiments retreating, several of Fagan’s Arkansas regiments quickly pursued them and were greeted by tremendous artillery fire, quickly forcing them to retrace their steps.  Brigadier General Herron would succinctly describe the Confederate counterattack, “The fighting was desperate beyond description.”(vii)

Around 3:00 p.m., General Herron ordered US Colonel Daniel Huston to make his division ready - including John Black’s 37th Illinois.  By this time, the division had been in reserve near Crawford Hill for several hours.  Many of the men had been lying on the ground for several hours and were quite cold.  With the the Third Division pulled back to Crawford’s Prairie and the Rebels back in line on the hillside, the tactical situation was similar to what the sides faced when the battle had started – with the exception of hundreds of wounded and dead soldiers between the lines!  Huston, having witnessed the repulse of the Federal Third Division, and the failed Confederate counterattack, had ordered Black’s 37th Illinois and the 26th Indiana forward to the Fayetteville Road.  After pulling down the fences that ran along the road, the path for attack was open.  However, from their position they would be marching across open ground and subject to enfilade fire from McRae’s Arkansans.  With the arrival of Huston’s Division in his front, Shoup pleaded for reinforcements.  His division had suffered severely in its morning battle with the Federal Third Division and may not withstand another attack.  Hindman quickly sent Colonel Robert Shaver’s Arkansas Brigade to his support.  Shaver was part of Brigadier General Daniel Frost’s Division and this would be the first of his troops sent to the north section of the battlefield.  This represented a significant change in Hindman’s mindset as he had kept all of Frost’s soldiers in reserve where they could be used to prevent a surprise attack from Blunt’s Kansas Division at Cane Hill.  Was this an act of desperation or was Hindman certain that his feint against Cane Hill had totally fooled Blunt?

At the time of the Battle of Prairie Grove, Lieutenant Colonel John Charles Black was 23 years old.  Well educated and ambitious, Black had been rapidly promoted in the volunteer army after his strong performance at the Battle of Pea Ridge.  Waving his sword and shouting out orders, Black’s presence on the battlefield was not lost on his soldiers, one of which remarked that his long hair “gave him rather a peculiarly grand appearance.”(viii)  On this early December afternoon, in 1862, Black would provide his most valuable service to his country.  Pushing his regiment southeast towards the Borden House, nearly parallel with the bench, the 37th Illinois would be closest to the Rebel line.  With the 26th Indiana on their left, the Illinoisans would receive enfilade fire from the Confederate position.  Upon reaching the Borden house, Black gave his men time to break ranks before dressing their lines on the other side of the structure.  Unfortunately the time expended reforming their lines caused them to be become separated from the Hoosiers.  Reaching the orchard, the men from Illinois were greeted with the horrible site of the day’s festival of death – soldiers from both sides sprawled out in every conceivable way – some dead, some dying and some severely wounded.  The 26th Indiana had briefly fought in the wooded thicket to their east, but were quickly repulsed with the men streaming to the rear.  Black formed his regiment along a fence line on the north side of the orchard.  With smoke from the guns reducing visibility, the Illinoisans peered towards the hill, while shadows were lengthening with the rapidly gathering blanket of dusk.  The men inevitably heard commands being yelled out along the hillside and watched as Fagan’s Arkansas Brigade “rose like a wall before us.”  Letting loose a volley of musketry, the Rebels advanced towards Black’s men along the fence.  Black’s soldiers, now veterans, held their line and returned fire, opening gaps in Fagan’s line that would quickly close.  Black noted that, “The enemy were in immense force immediately in my front, advancing and firing as rapidly as they came….(the hail of bullets) did not seem to check them at all in their advance.”  Another Federal officer described their return fire, “The leaden hail came in one continuous stream of fire, not unlike a severe hail storm.”(ix)  One of these hissing missiles found its mark slamming into the humerus bone of Black’s uninjured left arm.  The severely wounded officer did not move to the rear but remained in the saddle, providing a calming influence over his severely pressed troops.

Facing Lieutenant Colonel Black’s 37th Illinois, in the orchard, was Charles Adams’ Arkansas Infantry regiment.  Part of Shaver’s Brigade, most of his Arkansans had never been in battle.  With a continuous storm of musketry, most of Adams’ regiment quickly made their way to the rear, not stopping until they reached the Buchanan house, nearly a mile in the rear.  Unfortunately, the retreat of Adams’ regiment did little to ease the pressure Black’s Illinoisans were receiving from three sides.  Fearing his regiment would be captured, Black ordered his men to retreat with few wasting any time making their way to the foot of the hill.  From there they would need to cross an expanse of open ground to reach the main Federal line.  With musketry and the occasional artillery ordnance chasing them along, Black’s 37th Illinois finally made it back to the Federal lines.  Unfortunately they would return with nearly 20% less men than they had started the day with.  Fortunately for the Federal goal – securing Missouri – General Blunt would arrive from the west with his Kansas Division.  While they would attack the Confederates and be repulsed, they would survive a counterattack on their position.  The next day, Blunt would meet with Hindman and agree to a truce to remove the dead and wounded. Hindman would use the truce to retreat from Prairie Grove.  His Trans-Mississippi Army would spend the winter at Fort Smith, while Blunt would continue to press his Army of the Frontier, marching back and forth across southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas.  The total butcher’s bill for the fight at Prairie Grove would be nearly 2,600 casualties evenly spread across the two armies.

With the advent of spring the campaign season of 1863 opened.  The 37th Illinois would take part in the Battle of Chalk Bluffs, near Cape Girardeau, Missouri, on May 2, 1863.  From southeast Missouri, Black would be sent, as part of Herron’s division, to Vicksburg where his regiment would be placed in the siege lines on June 13.  The proud 37th Illinois would take a prominent role in the Siege of Vicksburg and would march in to the town on July 4, 1863.  Over the coming months Black would lead his regiment during engagements in Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas.  By this time Black had been promoted to colonel and was commanding a brigade that included the 26th Indiana, 20th Iowa and 37th Illinois.  In February 1864 the men of the 37th would re-enlisted for three years, or the duration of the war.  Mustering back into service on February 28 they would receive a 30 day furlough before heading for Memphis.  From here they were ordered to pursue CSA Major General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s cavalry into central Tennessee.  Over the coming months they would again see service in Arkansas and Louisiana.  In January 1865 the brigade would be sent to Pensacola, Florida from New Orleans.  On March 13, Colonel Black received brevet promotion to brigadier general of volunteers.  In April the brigade would participate in the siege and storming of Fort Blakely and would enter Mobile, Alabama.  After returning Texas the brigade would slowly be mustered out of service, with the 37th Illinois mustering out on May 15, 1865, the 20th Iowa on July 8, 1865 and the 26th Indiana on January 15, 1866.  All told, the 37th Illinois, Black’s original regiment, would travel 17,800 miles during the war (14,600 miles by steamer and 3,300 miles by foot) while suffering 233 casualties from all causes.

After the war, General Black would practice law and would become U.S. District Attorney of Chicago.  He would be elected to the U.S. Congress, as a Democrat, and would serve Illinois in that capacity for six terms.  He would be elected president of the Grand Army of the Republic and serve in that capacity from 1903–1904.  From 1904 through 1913 he would serve as president of the United States Civil Service Commission.  Having received severe wounds to both of his arms, he was significantly disabled after the war.  He was recognized for his brave and gallant service by being awarded the Medal of Honor for bravery at the Battle of Prairie Grove.  His citation follows:

Gallantly charged the position of the enemy at the head of his regiment, after 2 other regiments had been repulsed and driven down the hill, and captured a battery; was severely wounded.”(x)

General Black would marry Adaline Livona Griggs in 1867.  Together they would have three children: Gracia Mildred (1870), John B. (1872) and Helene (1883).  He would die suddenly on August 17, 1915 in Chicago, Illinois.  He is buried at Spring Hill Cemetery in Danville, Illinois.  General John Charles Black is a true American HERO.

(i) John Charles Black, on Ancestry.com, was used to research this article.
(ii) See John Charles Black at the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States and the Illinois Civil War Regiment and Unit Histories.
(iii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 28.
(iv) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 128.
(v) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 160.
(vi) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 176.
(vii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 180.
(viii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pg. 189.
(ix) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by UNC Press in 2009, Pgs. 190–191.
(x) Proft, R.J. (Bob), United States of America’s Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients and Their Official Citations, published by Highland House II in 2006, Pg. 809.

One particular passage of the book caught my interest as it demonstrates the fighting elan of the field officers of the Confederate army.  CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants commanded an Arkansas infantry regiment in CSA Brigadier General James F. Fagan’s Brigade of CSA Brigadier General Francis S. Shoup’s Division.  Assigned the unenviable task of holding the north face of the hill, that was Prairie Grove, Fagan’s Brigade was assaulted by two separate Federal thrusts – first by the 20th Wisconsin and 19th Iowa – and then later in the afternoon by 37th Illinois and 26th Indiana.  These attacks were brutal, with the fighting devolving to hand-to-hand combat.  Supporting the Federal assaults were very well executed artillery bombardments by a superior Federal artillery, with 20 pieces.  Fagan’s Brigade was posted on the high ground, south beyond the West Cornfield.  Pleasants’ Arkansas Infantry held the right flank of Fagan’s Brigade and received a direct attack by the 19th Iowa.  Described by Columbus H. Gray, of Pleasants infantry, the fighting was most severe in an orchard, “We were all laying down and the Federals came up in fifty steps of us when our colonel ordered us to rise and fire.”(i)

During the melee around the orchard, Colonel Joseph Pleasants became one of the many Confederate casualties.  Unable to describe the heroism better than Mr. Shea, the following text, from “Fields of Blood,” describes Pleasants’ actions leading his regiment.

“Among the dozens of Rebels who fell in the orchard was Colonel Pleasants.  A bullet broke his leg, but he stayed on his horse until the animal was shot out from under him.  In excruciating pain, the forty-seven year old Virginia native was dragged clear of his horse and propped up against a tree.  When Captain Henry C. Pleasants attempted to carry his father to the rear, the older man would have none of it.  He stated that “his place was with the regiment” and that “he would take care of himself.”  Others offered to move Pleasants to the opposite side of the tree so he would be protected from enemy fire.  “No,” he said, “my boys fight so well I must see them through the charge.”  When the fighting ended, Colonel Pleasants insisted that all the other wounded members of the regiment be removed before he allowed himself to be taken to the rear.  At the hospital he refused to let surgeons dress his wound until everyone else had been looked after.  Pleasants’ selfless behavior may have contributed to his death ten days later.”(ii)

CSA Colonel Joseph C. Pleasants was a brave leader that led his men from the front.  Even after his wounding, he refused to be removed from the field until all his wounded men had been taken care of.  While Congressional Medals of Honor were never awarded to Confederate soldiers, Pleasants’ gallantry at Prairie Grove would have been deserving of such recognition had he been fighting in a blue uniform.  Today we are one country - with fifty separate state flags – flying next to one national flag.  I am proud to say that Colonel Joseph Pleasants is a true American HERO, who fought bravely, and selflessly, for what he believed in.

(i) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by The University of North Carolina Press in 2009, Pg. 177.
(ii) Shea, William L., Fields of Blood: The Prairie Grove Campaign, published by The University of North Carolina Press in 2009, Pg. 178.

The 121st New York Infantry, often called Upton’s Regulars after their second commander, Emory Upton, had been decimated during the Chancellorsville Campaign while fighting in US Major General John Sedgwick’s VI Corps, at Salem Church.  Upton, desiring to fill out his regiment requested all the able bodied three year men he could obtain.  Knowing of the 16th New York Battalion, Upton petitioned VI Corps headquarters for the men.  The men of the 16th were given the option of joining a Massachusetts battery, a Federal battery of the 121st.  Most of the men chose the 121st.  On June 16, 1863, Hall took command of Company F, 121st New York.  While the VI Corps saw little action in the Battle of Gettysburg, they were engaged in the pursuit of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia during his retreat from Gettysburg.  Seeing action during the Bristoe Campaign, from October 9–22, they would find themselves facing the Army of Northern Virginia, on opposite sides of the Rappahannock River, as winter approached. 

Many of the soldiers believed Army of the Potomac commander, US Major General George Gordon Meade, would enter the winter months with no additional fighting.  However, Meade had different ideas.  Believing he could out maneuver Lee along the Rappahannock River line, he determined to push across the river.  During the upcoming battle, Hiram Hall would provide his most valuable service to his country.

Robert E. Lee had constructed a strong bridgehead at Rappahannock Station with two artillery redoubts and connecting trenches, on the north bank.  CSA Major General Jubal Early’s 2d Corps Division manned the works, with the rest of Lee’s army south of the river commanding all the major fords.  He believed that any significant attack, by Meade, would require him to divide his forces.  Lee’s plans proved quite prescient.  On November 6, Meade ordered the I, II and III Corps to cross the Rappahannock River at Kelly’s Ford, while the V and VI Corps would push across at Rappahannock Station.  They were ordered to move on the morning on November 7.  Major General William French would command the left wing, while Sedgwick would command the right wing.  Meade’s tactical plan was to have French’s wing push across the river, at Kelly’s Ford, in an effort to divert Lee’s attention from the main attack by Sedgwick.(ii)  Once across, they would push west to join the rest of the army that had crossed at Rappahannock Station.  From there, the Army of the Potomac would push south towards Brandy Station.

On the morning of November 7, the 121st New York, with the rest of the V and VI Corps pushed south from Warrenton.  Emory Upton was commanding the Second Brigade of US Brigadier General Horatio Wright’s First Division.  With Sedgwick commanding the right wing, Wright commanded the VI Corps and US Brigadier General David Russell commanded the First Division.  Opposing them at Rappahannock Station were two brigades commanded by CSA Brigadier Generals Robert F. Hoke and Harry Hays.  Hays’ Louisianans had earned the moniker, “Louisiana Tigers,” for their fighting prowess.  Both brigades were seasoned veterans of the Army of Northern Virginia.  Once Sedgwick had his forces in place he began to pound Early’s Confederates with artillery.  He maintained this fire throughout the afternoon, causing much consternation, and many casualties at the bridgehead.  Meanwhile, Upton’s brigade, consisting of the 121st New York, 5th Massachusetts, 95th and 96th Pennsylvania were joined by US Colonel Peter Ellmaker’s Third Brigade, consisting of the 6th Maine, 5th Wisconsin, 49th and 119th Pennsylvania.  Commanded by David Russell, they were assigned the unenviable task of carrying the works manned by Hays’ “Louisiana Tigers” and Hoke’s North Carolinians.  With dusk beginning to blanket the field, Russell’s division pushed out of the woods and towards the bridgehead.  Partially protected by the railroad embankment, the division was able to get very close to the fortifications before they were engaged by Hays’ soldiers.  Upton would detach companies B and D, as skirmishers.  They were commanded by Captain John Fish.  Upton was very clear in his orders to Fish, “When the line advances upon your right, you will advance – you will drive the enemy off that crest, you will use your judgment and act as if you had a separate command: but remember one thing – I want my brigade line to get there as soon as any of them.”(iii)  Clinton Beckwith described the action, “We moved forward briskly and soon discovered the Rebel skirmish line.  They waited a good while, an age I thought, before they fired on us, and I knew someone would get hit.  Finally they let go and we started on a run after them, and they skedaddled.  One fellow waited until Jack Marden, one of our boys, got close to him, and then fired and hit Jack.  But the ball, striking something in Jack’s pocket, glanced off.  The Rebel shouted, ‘I surrender,’ but Jack shot and wounded him badly….The artillery in the fort was now firing rapidly and the cannon shots flew over us and went after our fellows who were coming up behind.  The Reb skirmishers kept falling back, but kept up a sharp fire.”(iv)  Soon, Fish and his skirmishers, along with the rest of the 121st New York, were upon the works.

Hiram Hall’s Company F was part of the attacking column.  Upon reaching the Rebel works, he was able to reform his lines.  The fighting became hand-to-hand, with several casualties coming from bayonet wounds.  With darkness quickly covering the battlefield, the action is described in “Upton’s Regulars,” by Salvatore Cilella: “(the Louisiana brigade remained) sanguine and defiant….Upton could see their colors in the gathering night, inscribed with “Cedar Run,” “Manassas Second,” “Winchester,” “Harpers Ferry,” “Sharpsburg,” “Fredericksburg,” “Chancellorsville,” and “Gettysburg.”  Without waiting for Russell for further instructions, Upton sent Capt. Seymour Hall to tell Russell that he had accomplished his mission and had reformed his lines parallel to the rifle pits that were still crawling with rebel soldiers.  He intended to attack again.”(v)  Upton had advised his men, “Boys, or rather Old 121st, I am with you again.  We are going to make a charge, and some of you will fall, but you will all go to heaven.  And I am going with you over the works.”  With that, Hall’s Company F, and the rest of the 121st New York stormed the rifle pits, performing a left face they rolled up the flank of the 6th, 54th and 57th North Carolina regiments.  Many of the Confederates surrendered and the 121st New York was able to capture a regimental flag.  All told, with the 5th Maine at their side, the 121st New York was able to capture seven Confederate flags, 103 officers, 1,300 enlisted men and 1,200 weapons.  One captured Rebel asked how many corps were involved in the attack.  When he was told only two regiments carried out the assault the “mortification” was “extreme.”  After the battle Upton reported, “The success at Rappahannock had a most electrifying effect throughout the army.”(vi)

Hall would continue to lead Company F, 121st New York Infantry, through some of the most bloody battles of the Eastern Theater: The Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, the North Anna and Cold Harbor.  In April 1864, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 43d United States Colored Troops.  He would lead these men at the Battle of the Crater, Weldon Railroad, Boydton Plank Road, Hatcher’s Run and the Appomattox Campaign.  He would receive a brevet promotion to brigadier general on March 13, 1865.

After the war, Hall would move with his wife, Augusta, to Carrollton, Missouri and finally to Kansas.  She bore him five children: Clarence, Harry, John, Mabel and Augusta.  Seymour H. Hall would die on July 1, 1908 in Kansas City, Kansas and is buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Lawrence, Kansas.

For his bravery, and gallant leadership, Hall would receive two Medals of Honor on August 17, 1891 – one for his actions at Gaines’s Mill and the other for his heroism at Rappahannock Station.  The official citation reads:

Although wounded at Gaines Mill, Va., he remained on duty and participated in the battle with his company.  At Rappahannock Station, Va., while acting as an aide, rendered gallant and prompt assistance in reforming the regiments inside the enemy works.(vii)

Captain Seymour Hall is a true American HERO.

(i) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 184.
(ii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 235.
(iii) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 237.
(iv) Best, Isaac O., History of the 121^st New York State Infantry, published by Lieut. Jas. H. Smith in 1921, Pgs. 100–101.
(v) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 240.
(vi) Cilella, Salvatore G., Upton’s Regulars: The 121^st New York Infantry in the Civil War, published by the University Press of Kansas in 2009, Pg. 243.
(vii) R.J. (Bob) Pfoft, Editor, United States of America’s Medal of Honor Recipients, Fifth Edition, Pg. 883.